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Ex  Libris 
C.  K.  OGDEN 



Sir  Charles  W.  Macara,  Bart. 

A    STUDY    OF 

Modern  Lancashire 









I.    INFLUENCES  -      i 



IV.  THE  OPERATIVES  -  -  53 
V.  MASTERS  AND  MEN       -  -  73 


THE  INDUSTRIAL  COUNCIL     •        -    93 

TURE -  125 



SATURDAY,    ETC.   -        -        -        -  177 


A.  The  Cotton  Industry  :  A  comprehensive 
Survey  from  the  Earliest  Times, 
A  paper  prepared,  at  the  request  of 
the  Belgian  Government,  by  Sir 
C.  W.  Macara,  Bart.,  and  delivered 
at  the  Ghent  Exhibition,  1913  -  -  191 




B.  America  :  Address  on  the  Opening  Day 

of  the  International  Convention  of 
Cotton  Growers,  Spinners  and  Repre- 
sentatives of  the  Cotton  Exchanges, 
Atlanta,  Georgia,  U.S.A.,  1907         -  209 
President    Roosevelt :     Correspondence, 

etc.      -  218 

C.  Egypt :   Address  on  the   Opening  Day 

of  the  International  Cotton  Confer- 
ence,  Alexandria,  1912  -  -  222 

The  Development  of  the  Sudan  :  Deputa- 
tion of  the  British  Cotton  Growing 
Association  to  the  Prime  Minister 
(1913) :  British  Government  re- 
quested to  guarantee  a  loan  of 
£3,000,000  -  -  233 

Reception    by    Viscount    Kitchener    at 

Cairo  -  -  239 

Text  of  Illuminated  Address    -  -  245 

D.  India  :    Deputation  of  the  International 

Cotton  Federation  to  the  Most  Hon. 
the  Marquess  of  Crewe,  Secretary  of 
State  for  India  -  -  249 

E.  The     Industrial     Council :     An     article 

contributed  to  the  "Financial  Review 
of  Reviews  "  by  Sir  C.  W.  Macara, 
Bart.,  Oct.  1911  -  -  -  253 

Industrial  Unrest :  Inquiry  by  the 

Industrial  Council  ....  272 

Capital  and  Labour  :  Paper  read  before 
the  British  Association.  Manchester 
Meetings,  1915  -  ...  276 

F.  Letter  to   President  of  the  Free  Trade 

Union,  1909      -        -     '  -        -        -  289 



Defence  of  Mr.  Macara's  position  by 
the  Chairman  of  the  Manchester 
Royal  Exchange  •  •  295 

What  the  Leaders  of  the  Operatives  in 
the  Cotton  Trade  and  Allied  Indus- 
tries think  of  Protection  -  -  298 
Manifesto    against    Tariff    "  Reform," 

with  List  of  Signatures    -  -  299 

Lancashire's    Verdict       -  -  312 

The  Indian  Cotton  Duties,  1917  : 
Interviews  with  a  representative  of 
the  Manchester  Guardian  -  -  318 

G.    Women  on  the  Land  :    The   Needs  of 

Agriculture  -  321 

Speech  on  Trafalgar  Day,  1916      -        -  324 
Tribute  to  Lord  Kitchener      -        -        -  327 


SIR  CHARLES  W.  MACARA,  BART.       -    Frontispiece 
(From  a  painting  by  C.  Rowley.) 

Presented  by  the  General  Committee  of  the 
Federation  of  Master  Cotton  Spinners' 
Associations,  January,  1909. 


LADY  MACARA      -        -  -        -        -        -  182 


(From  a  painting.) 

MRS.  HENRY  BANNERMAN   -  -    22 

(From  a  miniature). 

Wife  of  the  founder  of  Henry  Bannerman  & 
Sons;  grandmother  of  Sir  Henry  Campbell- 

REV.  WILLIAM  MACARA      -  -    54 

MRS.  WILLIAM  MACARA      -  -    70 



Chairman  of  the  Honourable  East  India 




ONE  of  the  best  gifts  for  life  is  to  be  born  into  a 
definite  positive  atmosphere ;  to  be  racial ;  to  taste 
of  the  soil;  to  have  flavour,  aroma,  and  what 
one  may  call  bite.  There  is  a  number  of  such 
atmospheres.  Sometimes  it  is  a  social  stratum. 
The  English  governing  classes  are  a  social 
atmosphere  to  themselves.  To  be  born  into  an 
English  governing  family  is  to  belong  to  a  soil  and 
climate  and  to  be  one  of  the  definite  cultures  of  life ; 
it  is  to  have  a  bias — a  bias  in  this  instance  towards 
public  life,  and  an  instinct  and  a  habit  for  public 
affairs.  There  are  counties  and  corners  of  the 
earth,  again,  in  which  it  is  almost  momentous  to 
have  been  born.  To  begin  life  in  Aberdeen,  for 
example,  is  to  begin  it  with  a  start. 

Fifeshire  again,  is  a  fermentation  of  human 
character,  the  forcing  ground  of  a  distinct  type  of 
man.  Charles  Wright  Macara  was  a  son  of  the  Free 
Kirk  Manse.  This  also  was  an  atmosphere — an 
atmosphere  oxidised  by  strong  principles,  enlarged 


by  the  historic  experience  which  is  called  "  The 
Disruption,"  enlightened  by  the  familiar  play  of 
great  names  and  great  ideas.  Nor  was  this  all.  On 
another  side  he  was  connected  by  many  ties  with 
the  government  of  India,  and  heard  much  of  life — 
and  of  death — in  the  remote  and  burning  plains  of 
Empire,  and,  fed  and  nourished  thus  on  strong 
traditions,  he  was,  himself  a  Fifeshire  village  lad, 
equally  at  home  with  the  son  of  the  laird  and  the 
son  of  the  ploughman ;  in  and  out  of  the  cottages 
of  one  of  the  knottiest  peasantries  of  Scotland. 

These  experiences,  though  he  may  not  have 
known  it,  were  the  silver  spoon  in  the  mouth  of  the 
young  Charles  Macara.  They  were  the  preparation, 
and  almost  the  predestination  of  the  life  he  was  to 
live.  It  was  his  own  wish  to  be  a  soldier.  The  manse 
at  Strathmiglo  looked  at  the  proposition,  but  was 
not  wealthy  enough  to  entertain  it,  and  we 
shall  see  him  going  into  business,  making  his 
own  way,  and  then,  in  later  years,  when  his  real 
nature  began  to  get  its  scope  and  its  chance, 
bringing  into  the  industrial  affairs  of  England  the 
qualities  of  strategy,  management  and  providing 
which  would  have  made  him  a  successful  leader  on 


the  field.  Lancashire  got  what  the  Army  and  what 
India  lost — a  general  who  knew  when  to  advance, 
and,  not  less  important,  when  and  how  to  retreat; 
one  who  could  fight  a  stern  battle,  and,  when  the 
time  came,  negotiate  a  lasting  peace.  It  was  he  who 
very  largely  gave  Lancashire  a  new  sense  and  a 
new  habit  of  organisation ;  he  ushered  in  the  new 
age  of  the  collective  spirit. 

Others  of  an  earlier  age  had  won  Lancashire  her 
freedom.  In  the  forties  the  object  of  statesmanship 
was  to  get  undone  things  which  ought  not  to  have 
been  done ;  in  the  nineties  the  problem  had  changed, 
and  was  to  be  stated  in  terms  of  getting  done  things 
which  could  no  longer  safely  be  left  undone.  It 
was  Charles  Macara  who  very  largely  showed  how. 
His  business  career  is  part  of  the  public  life  of 



The  Macaras  are  a  clan.  They  are  related  to  the 
larger  clan  of  Macalpine,  and  their  origin  is  traced 
to  the  Trossachs.  Charles  Macara  was  the  eldest 
of  the  seven  children  of  the  Rev.  William  Macara, 
and  was  born  at  Strathmiglo,  a  Fifeshire  village,  in 
1845.  William  Macara,  the  father,  was  born  in 



Glasgow  in  1812.  He  had  a  distinguished  though 
distant  relation  in  the  person  of  a  certain  Colonel 
Sir  Robert  Macara,  who  flowered  during  the 
Napoleonic  wars  into  the  full  command  of  the 
Royal  Highlanders,  and  gave  up  his  life  at  Quatre 
Bras,  the  day  before  Waterloo. 

In      the      landscape      of      family      history — its 
secluded     pastures    of     quiet     living     and     sober 

I  undulations  of  achievement  and  character — this  Sir 
Robert  Macara,  a  soldier  steeped  and  seasoned  in 
the  strong  martial  brine  of  his  times,  the  colonel 
of  the  wild  and  barbaric  Black  Watch,  promoted 
and  finally  decorated  for  eminence  on  the  field,  and 
cut  down  at  last  on  the  eve  of  the  supreme  agony 
of  Waterloo,  occurs  like  an  abrupt  eminence, 
sudden,  solitary  and  scarred,  a  spasmodic  upheaval 
of  the  family  habit  into  adventure  and  romance. 
But  for  him  the  family  of  William  Macara  was 
made  of  the  good  plain  prose  of  Scottish  citizen- 
ship  :  it  was  a  family,  at  any  rate,  in  which  " 
the  ministry  and  the  pulpit  were  the  natural 
outlet  of  superior  promise,  and  so  we  find 
that  in  1836  William  Macara,  after  a  period 
of  study  at  the  Glasgow  University,  was  licensed 


as  a  preacher  of  the  Gospel  by  the  Glasgow 
Presbytery  of  the  Church  of  Scotland.  It  was  a 
step  towards  ordination,  though  it  still  fell  short 
of  the  full  degree,  and  in  the  next  few  years  William 
Macara  is  acting  as  assistant  to  one  elderly  and 
eminent  Divine  after  another  in  the  cities  of 
Glasgow  and  Perth. 

It  was  a  period  of  great  crisis  and  moment  in 
Scottish  politics  and  theology.  The  waters  were 
definitely  racing  and  churning  to  the  brink  of  the 
Disruption ;  the  Free  Church  of  Scotland  was 
stirring  to  its  birth,  and  we  get  glimpses  of  William 
Macara,  a  fine  presence  in  the  pulpit  and  the  parish ; 
strong  swimmer  in  the  excited  waters  of  con- 
troversy ;  heart  and  soul  with  the  party  of  Chalmers ; 
edifying  his  congregation  in  Free  Church  principles 
with  such  a  thoroughness  of  edification  that,  when 
the  Disruption  occurred,  the  church  at  Perth 
left  the  Establishment  with  hardly  the  shed- 
ding of  a  single  member;  now  attending  the 
first  General  Assembly  of  the  Free  Church 
of  Scotland  ;  now  hurrying  back  to  Perth, 
where  he  preached  twice  the  next  day  from  texts  so 
minutely  applicable  to  the  crisis,  and  so  completely 



expressive  of  his  own  views,  that  the  argument  may 
be  said  to  have  been  clinched  in  their  mere 
announcement.  Still  lacking  full  ordination,  he 
was  unable  to  take  part  in  the  solemn  spectacle  in 
St.  Giles'  Cathedral  on  May  i8th,  1843,  at  which 
the  seceding  ministers  asserted  the  spiritual 
independence  of  the  Church  of  Christ,  and  then, 
bench  after  bench,  and  file  after  file,  withdrew 
from  the  presence  of  the  secular  authority,  but  he 
joined  them,  so  to  speak,  in  the  cold  grey  light  of 
the  street  outside,  and  lent  all  his  will  and  strength 
to  the  practical  business  of  the  next  moment,  which 
was  an  urgent  exercise,  not  of  theory,  but  of  action. 
Born  of  the  spirit,  the  new  Church  had  yet  to  be 
born  of  the  flesh ;  the  Word  had  to  be  incarnated 
in  a  Church,  in  a  governing  mechanism,  in  a 
membership,  in  bricks  and  mortar.  The  problem 
came  down  from  the  high  ground  of  pure  thought, 
and  wandered  among  the  temporalities  of  law  and 
architecture  and  finance. 

The  Free  Church  of  Scotland  was  a  model  of 
practical  statesmanship.  Chalmers  himself  was  at 
once  a  scholar,  a  saint  and  a  consummate  man 
of  affairs,  a  churchman  at  once  of  the  highest 


inspiration,  and  of  the  most  finished  technique,  and 
we  can  perceive  among  his  associates  and  followers 
a  certain  polish  and  suavity,  a  kind  of  smoothness 
and  an  aptitude  for  the  world  of  men,  which 
came  of  much  rubbing  against  hard  and  practical 
affairs.  It  was  to  be  seen  in  the  character  of 
William  Macara.  He  was  of  a  school  of  accom- 
plished ecclesiastics.  We  have  heard  how  he 
hastened  away  from  his  first  General  Assembly 
to  confirm  the  knees  of  his  congregation  at  Perth. 
The  question  what  he  should  say  was  less  urgent 
than  the  other  question,  where  he  should  say  it. 
Excluded  from  his  own  Church,  he  preached  in  a 
hired  schoolroom,  and  afterwards  accepted  for 
himself  and  his  congregation  the  temporary  shelter 
of  a  Wesleyan  Chapel.  Out  of  such  confusion  the 
Free  Church  of  Scotland  gradually  emerged. 
William  Macara  himself  became,  in  1844,  the 
minister,  fully  ordained  now,  of  the  Free  Church 
of  Scotland  at  Strathmiglo,  where  he  sustained  for 
forty-five  years  a  supremely  diligent  and  well- 
ordered  ministry  of  the  Gospel.  He  was  a  typical 
son  of  his  climate  and  his  times;  had  played  his 
part  in  one  of  the  greatest  events  of  Scottish  history, 



and  Charles  Macara,  born  at  Strathmiglo,  drew  his 
earliest  breath  in  an  atmosphere  saturated  in  large 
ideas,  strong  purposes  and  illustrious  names.  It 
was  perhaps  a  better  patrimony  than  either  money 
or  an  estate. 

Shortly  after  his  settlement  at  Strathmiglo  in 
1844  William  Macara  was  married  to  Charlotte 
Grace  Cowpar,  a  devoted  daughter  of  the  Free 
Church  of  Scotland,  and  a  faithful  follower  of  the 
Disruption  movement  in  Perth.  She  was  the 
daughter  of  a  substantial  farmer  who  had  been 
Colonel  of  the  Forfarshire  Militia,  but,  being  left 
an  orphan  at  the  age  of  five,  she  was,  with  a 
sister  and  several  brothers,  affectionately  sustained 
and  brought  up  by  an  uncle.  This  uncle — the 
great-uncle  of  Charles  Macara — was  Major-General 
Sir  Archibald  Galloway.  The  rush  of  young 
Scotsmen  into  the  Indian  Service,  which  was 
started  in  the  late  years  of  the  eighteenth  century 
by  Dundas,  the  friend  of  William  Pitt,  carried 
young  Archibald  Galloway  into  a  humble  office, 
from  which  he  rose  by  his  own  abilities,  until  he 
became  finallv  Chairman  of  the  Roard  of  jfhe 


Honourable  East  India  Company,  and  left  the 
name  of  Galloway  high  up  among  the  Scottish 
names  which  we  find  written  large  in  Indian  history. 
In  India  Sir  Archibald  Galloway  had  a  double 
reputation  as  an  administrator  and  a  soldier.  He 
is  numbered  with  contemporaries  like  Lord  Gough 
and  Sir  Marion  Durand,  in  the  company  of  great 
Indian  soldiers.  His  own  military  service  included 
much  fierce  and  breathless  fighting  in  the  Punjab 
war,  which  gave  him  the  experience  of  no  fewer 
than  thirty-five  engagements.  His  career  as  an 
administrator  was  long  and  distinguished.  He 
took  to  India  the  habits  of  a  Spartan,  with  the  result 
that  thirty-five  years  of  active  service  left  his 
capacity  for  service  still  unexhausted,  and  he  was 
able  to  give  a  further  period  of  fifteen  years  to 
the  service  of  the  Board  in  London,  death  finally 
overtaking  him  in  the  office  of  Chairman.  One  of 
his  sons  was  a  magistrate  in  the  Indian  Civil 
Service,  and  during  the  Mutiny  was  killed  at  Delhi. 
A  grandson,  born  at  Delhi,  Admiral  Galloway 
(retired),  has  had  a  distinguished  career  in  the  Royal 
Navy.  In  the  family  of  Mrs.  William  Macara 
Sir  Archibald  Galloway  created  a  powerful 



Indian  tradition.  The  Manse  at  Strathmiglo 
was  in  contact  with  the  governing  type  of 
mind,  and  heard  the  echoes  of  tumultuous 
events.  It  became  connected  by  many  intimate 
ties  with  the  administrative  and  military  service 
in  India,  and  quivered  with  the  anguish  of  the 
Mutiny.  To  young  Charles  Macara  India  seemed 
to  offer  a  possible  opening.  Life,  as  it  turned  out, 
had  him  reserved  for  other  purposes,  but  meanwhile 
India,  with  its  legends  of  service  and  sacrifice  and 
death,  was  another  point  of  view.  It  blended  with 
much  subtlety  with  the  austere  influences  of  the 
Free  Church  and  the  rich  exhalations  of  life  and 
character  which  arose  from  the  village  community 
of  Strathmiglo. 

Strathmiglo  was  indeed  very  formative,  and  the 
son  of  the  Free  Church  minister  had  the  freedom  of 
the  parish,  and  was  in  contact  with  all  its  social 
varieties.  The  parish  of  Strathmiglo  is  divided 
between  the  three  Scottish  counties  of  Fifeshire, 
Perthshire,  and  Kinrosshire.  It  was  the  home 
of  a  well-marked  and  well-defined  community, 
a  nursery  of  character,  and,  in  a  word,  an  atmo- 
sphere. William  Macara's  congregation  in  the 



Free  Church  of  Strathmiglo  consisted  very  largely 
of  the  farmers  who  cultivated  a  rich  and  fertile 
countryside,  but,  behind  the  farmers,  and  in  their 
midst,  was  a  settlement  of  handloom  weavers,  who 
held  the  secret,  and  prospered  by  the  production 
of  a  fine  linen  damask.  The  modern  factory  system 
has  swept  up  the  weavers  and  their  craft  into  its 
palm.  They  have  been  pocketed  by  the  mechanical 
giant,  and  have  disappeared.  But  in  the  middle 
of  the  last  century  they  were  a  small  and  proud 
industrial  autocracy.  Many  of  these  weavers 
owned  their  own  cottages  and  weaving  shops,  and 
were  the  masters  of  their  own  lives.  They  were 
very  much  the  same  human  material  that  Barrie 
found  in  Kirriemuir. 

Heads  were  extremely  hard  in  Strathmiglo ; 
speech  was  broad,  and  faces  were  of  granite ; 
definite  views  on  politics  and  theology,  and  more 
especially  theology,  were  to  be  had  for  the  asking, 
or  even  without  the  asking.  Dialectics  and  disputa- 
tion were  a  village  sport,  and  even  those  who 
did  not  themselves  play,  were  yet  keen  critics  of  the 
art  and  science  of  the  game,  and  had  the  records 

of  great  performances  at  their  finger  tips.     It  was 



the  home  of  the  cruel  political  sport  of  "  heckling." 
Political  speakers  who  visited  Fifeshire  l  in  those 
days  found  themselves  addressing  an  audience 

which,  for  all  the  response  and  reaction  that  could 


be  won  from  it  might  have  been  the  Sphinx. 
Whatever  such  a  frozen  silence  might  have  be- 
tokened in  Sussex  or  in  Kent,  in  Fifeshire  it  was  but 
the  mask  of  an  extreme  activity  of  mind.  The  man 
and  his  argument  were  undergoing  minute  examina- 
tion, and  the  result,  whether  favourable  or  unfavour- 
able, was  not  yet  determined.  The  speech  was,  in 
fact,  an  essential,  but  rather  dull  preliminary  to 
the  real  business  of  the  evening,  which  began  when 
a  questioner  in  the  body  of  the  hall,  an  accepted 
master  of  the  art,  proceeded  to  balance  the  speaker 
on  a  series  of  cunningly-invented  logical  dilemmas, 
the  process  causing  an  excitement  which,  in  other 
parts  of  the  country,  is  reserved  for  wrestling  or 

Strathmiglo  was  like  that.  Sufficient  as  the 
village  was  unto  itself,  great  scenes  and  great  ideas 
were  yet  perceptible  on  every  quarter  of  its  far 

i.  Strathmiglo    is    in    the   constituency    which    Mr.    Asquith  has 
represented  for  many  years. 



horizons.  From  hills  in  the  parish  which  would 
be  climbed  by  any  adventurous  youth,  the  whole 
kingdom  of  Fife  could  be  seen  stretched  to  the 
boundaries,  where  it  faded  into  the  firths  of  Forth 
and  Tay ;  in  one  direction  the  North  Sea  broke 
its  teeth  on  the  confines  of  high  tide  ;  in  yet  another, 
Edinburgh  Castle  could  be  seen  reared  above  the 
murk  of  the  romantic,  towering  city.  Towards  the 
west  lies  Loch  Leven,  with  its  island  castle  in 
which  Mary  Queen  of  Scots  was  imprisoned,  and 
further  off  are  the  hills  overlooking  the  field  of 
Bannockburn,  on  which  King  Robert  the  Bruce 
marshalled  his  camp  followers — a  strategic  move 
which  is  said  to  have  had  a  considerable  effect  on 
the  result  of  the  memorable  battle. 

The  Disruption  of  1843  cut  across  Scottish  society 
vertically,  and  not  after  the  fashion  of  religious 
revivals  in  England,  horizontally.  People  of  the 
highest  social  standing  and  consequence  went  over, 
they  and  their  houses,  to  the  Free  Church  of 
Scotland.  It  was,  in  fact,  a  body  to  which  that 
personal  question  as  to  the  rich  man  and  entrance 
into  the  Kingdom  of  Heaven  came  home,  in  the 


case  of  many  pointed  instances.  However  that 
question  may  be  determined,  there  is  no  doubt  that 
a  rich  and  powerful  laity  in  the  pews  ministered 
considerably  to  the  social  lustre  of  the  pulpit.  In 
his  own  parish,  the  Free  Church  Minister  had  a 
standing  comparable  with  that  of  the  English  rector 
or  vicar  in  his,  and  in  the  faithful  parishes  of 
Fifeshire,  while  the  momentum  of  the  Disruption 
was  still  unspent,  there  was  a  catholicity  in  the 
social  quality  of  the  office  to  which  no  other 
reformed  ministry  could  pretend.  Nor  was  this 
all.  The  migration  of  Scotsmen  into  England, 
which  excited  so  much  attention  in  the  days  of 
George  III.,  was  still  proceeding.  There  were  many 
Scottish  merchants  in  London  ;  there  \vas  a  powerful 
Scottish  community  in  Manchester.  These  exiles 
were  in  full  sympathy  with  the  great  movement 
of  1843,  and  the  Free  Church  minister  in  his  remote 
Scottish  parish  found  himself  associated  by  many 
ties  of  faith  and  friendship  with  a  new  mercantile 
aristocracy  in  England. 

We  shall  see  how  this,  and  not  India  or  the 
Army,  gave  Charles  Macara  his  opening  into  life. 
Meanwhile,  although  the  son  of  the  Manse,  he  is  in 


attendance  at  the  Strathmiglo  parish  school, 
rubbing  shoulders,  after  the  Scottish  fashion,  with 
the  son  of  the  laird  and  the  son  of  the  ploughman. 
No  schooling  could  have  been  better  for  one  who 
was  called  on  in  after  years  to  meet  Labour  and 
the  leaders  of  Labour  at  the  level  table  of  negotia- 
tion, and  to  act  as  a  diplomatist  in  the  strained 
relations  of  class  and  class.  Always  very  definitely 
a  member  of  his  own  class,  correct  and  polished  in 
speech,  punctilious  in  clothes  and  all  that  makes 
the  outer  man,  Charles  Macara  yet  possessed,  in  a 
very  marked  degree,  the  faculty  of  talking  to  the 
workman  and  his  leader  as  man  to  man.  He 
neither  strutted  nor  did  he  seem  to  condescend. 

Meanwhile  at  Strathmiglo  the  process  of  academic 
instruction  went  on.  The  elements  he  had  from  the 
parish  school.  Latin  he  had  from  his  father,  in 
systematic  doses,  to  which  the  lad,  who  had  strong 
lungs  and  legs,  and  many  errands  of  his  own  among 
the  hills  and  on  the  sea-shores  of  Fife,  offered  a 
stout,  but  fruitless,  resistance.  But  the  time  of  the 
spreading  of  the  wings  was  near.  The  village  was 
good  to  be  born  in,  but  not  so  good  to  stay  in. 
The  first  break  in  the  long  habit  and  routine  of 



youth  occurred  with  the  departure  to  a  public  school 
in  Edinburgh.  At  this  school  his  academic 
education  was  continued  till  his  seventeenth  year, 
when  it  came  to  an  end.  Preparation  for  life  had 
ceased ;  life  itself  began  without  delay.  The  army 
was  beyond  William  Macara's  means.  His  son 
therefore  came  face  to  face  with  the  problem  of 
self-support.  There  was,  however,  one  bank  on 
which  he  could  draw,  and  in  which  he  had  indeed  a 
good  account,  and  that  was  his  father's  good  name, 
his  high  standing  in  the  life  of  Scotland,  his  troops  of 
friends.  With  such  support  as  these  things 
afforded,  and  with  his  own  strong  constitution  and 
the  clean  generations  behind  him,  he  committed 
himself  to  the  deep  end  of  life.  He  took  the  far 
cry.  The  scene  changed  to  Manchester ;  the  cry 
of  the  sea-birds  dies  away  and  the  roar  of  the 
trodden  streets  begins.  Charles  Macara  began  in 
business.  But  he  brought  to  it  ambition  and  the 
large  constructive  view.  He  made  the  business  life 
what  it  too  seldom  is — a  liberal  profession  and  a 
public  career. 





IT  was  in  1862 — the  high  and  pompous  noon  of  the 
Victorian  age — that  Charles  Macara,  then  in  his 
seventeenth  year,  arrived  in  Manchester.  An 
opening  had  presented  itself  in  the  office  of  a  firm 
of  merchants  in  Mosley  Street ;  an  economical 
lodging  was  secured  in  Rusholme,  now  devoured 
and  digested  by  its  great  neighbour,  but  at  that 
time  a  suburb  and  a  seclusion  into  whose  provincial 
peace  the  city  omnibus  sprawled  every  hour  like  the 
splashing  of  a  stone  in  a  pond.  Life  had  begun. 
*  *  #  *  *  *  # 

If  we  look  minutely  at  the  outward  and  forbidding 
aspect  of  things,  we  shall  find  comparatively  little 
change  between  Manchester  of  to-day  and  that 
earlier  Manchester  of  the  sixties,  in  which  the  young 
beginner  pored  over  the  ledgers  of  the  Mosley  Street 
firm,  considered  colours  and  examined  textures 
beneath  the  dowdy  light  of  the  window-pane, 
wrestled  with  the  furious  crisis  of  the  incoming  and 
outgoing  posts,  and  learned  his  way  in  and  out  of 



other  warehouses,  all  of  them  tortuous  with 
passages  of  frosted  glass,  all  sweet  and  exotic  with 
that  miasma  of  raw  calico,  which,  spread  over  the 
city  and  bottled  in  its  narrow  streets,  gives 
Manchester  its  characteristic  plantation  smell,  the 
smell  of  Uncle  Tom's  Cabin — an  exudation  on 
warm  and  stagnant  afternoons  as  of  superheated 
humankind.  Some  superficial  changes  have  been 
made,  but  not  many.  They  are  changes,  not  so 
much  in  the  shape,  as  in  the  speed  of  life. 

In  the  sixties  a  youth  sent  across  the  town  to 
collect  an  account  or  match  a  pattern  would  set 
his  watch  and  calculate  the  period  of  his  emancipa- 
tion by  the  Infirmary  clock;  or — though  this  would 
be  a  little  later — if  the  errand  was  worth  a  ride, 
he  would  sling  himself  in  a  casual  and  absent- 
minded  manner  on  to  the  foot-board  of  an  omnibus 
which  was  feeling  its  way  at  the  moment  behind 
a  cavalcade  of  somnambulistic  horses,  and  at  the 
end  of  his  journey  would  duly  drop  off  into  the 
street,  the  horses  knowing  of  his  departure  from  the 
community  behind  them  not  so  much  by  any 
disturbance  in  the  routine  of  their  four  feet,  as 

merely  by  the  relief  from  so  much  weight. 



Blackpool,  though  it  was  beginning  to  be  visited, 
was  not  then  a  suburb  to  which  one  transferred 
oneself  in  the  course  of  a  conversation  or  a  survey 
of  the  leading  articles  and  the  market  report,  but 
was  definitely  a  destination,  a  goal  and  a  climax, 
approached  cautiously  by  the  successive  and  well- 
defined  stages  of  Bolton,  Chorley  and  Preston,  after 
which  the  traveller,  instead  of  being  familiar  as  he 
is  now  with  the  landward  slope  of  every  tree,  and 
the  contour  of  every  meadow  of  cows,  entered  rather 
into  the  acute  and  vivid  sensations,  and  shared  the 
romantic  status  of  those  who  are  a  long  way  from 
home ;  wrhile  those  who  went  to  London  knew  that 
they  were  going  several  weeks  before,  and  when 
the  time  came,  prepared  to  make  a  day  of  the 
journey  with  collapsible  sandwich  tins,  thereby 
tasting,  however,  a  joy  which  has  been  crushed  out 
of  experience  by  the  train  which  bolts  the  miles 
unmasticated,  and  never  stops — the  joy  of  really 
going  to  London,  of  approaching  London  through 
the  modulations  of  the  Midlands  and  the  home 
counties,  savouring  half  a  dozen  different  atmo- 
spheres at  half  a  dozen  deliberate  and  ceremonious 

stops — the  social  suavity  of  the  platform  at  Rugby, 



with  its  hunting  men  and  sporting  dogs;  the 
tingling  expectancy  of  Willesden  ;  the  final  surrender 
of  dismembered  tickets ;  and,  in  a  word,  the  adven- 
ture, the  romance,  the  fidgets. 

Such  was  Manchester,  and  such  its  social  timidity, 
its  unsophistication  in  the  days  when  Charles 
Macara  tried  at  the  door  of  fame  and  riches  with 
the  key  of  that  humble  opening  in  the  warehouse 
of  the  Mosley  Street  firm.  And  yet  Manchester 
belonged  definitely,  even  then,  to  the  superior  class 
of  the  capital  cities,  and  to  the  company  of  those 
which  are  looked  to  and  resorted  to  by  admiring, 
radiating,  and  by  comparison  benighted,  communi- 
ties outside.  It  was  an  axis,  a  metropolis;  it  had 
provinces.  To  this  fact  the  Art  Treasures 
Exhibition,  held  while  Charles  Macara  was  still 
growing  out  of  his  clothes  and  thrusting  his  toes 
out  of  his  boots  in  Strathmiglo,  had  borne  striking 
testimony.  In  the  year  of  the  Art  Treasures 
Exhibition,  Manchester  summoned  most  of  the 
North-west  of  England  into  the  hushed  presence  of 
the  arts  of  music  and  of  painting  ;  flaunted  crinolines 
so  fabulous  in  diameter  and  circumference,  that  the 
turnstiles  were  choked  and  put  out  of  action,  and 




admission  had  to  be  given  through  gates  originally 
designed  for  the  entrance  of  pantechnicons;  and 
promenaded  with  rhythm  and  composure  on  broad 
and  embroidered  walks  to  the  admiration  of  the 
rustic  thousands  whom  the  excursion  trains  had 
collected,  and  would,  with  the  fall  of  night,  restore 
to  the  upper  watersheds  of  population,  remote 
bleak  and  exposed. 

This  was  Manchester  society,  and  if  further 
proof  of  its  substance  and  sensibility  was  wanting, 
it  was  to  be  found  in  numerous  shops,  the  names 
of  which  were  beginning  to  occur  in  the  politer 
conversation,  and  their  habit  to  be  incorporated 
into  the  sa-voir  vivre  of  an  appreciable  acreage  of 
England;  in  the  possession  of  a  rectangular  and 
grimy  building  peremptorily  and  without  fear  of 
contradiction  designated  the  Gentlemen's  Concert 
Hall;  in  restaurants  illuminated  with  gas  and 
gleaming  with  monumental  brides-cakes;  in  the 
visibility  of  a  struggling  club  life  behind  the  flat 
windows  of  Mosley  Street;  and  in  the  hairdressers' 
shops,  in  which,  on  tessellated  marble  floors,  and 
amid  a  riot  of  far-fetched  perfumeries,  the  hair  of 
the  male  sybarites  was  beginning  to  be  brushed 



upwards  by  rotatory  brushes  on  machines  which 

In  point  of  fact,  the  town  had  got  too  big  for  its 
boots.    The  modern  world  which  struggled  into  birth 
in  and  through  Manchester  had  dislodged  the  resi- 
dential population,  and  deposited  it  on  sedate  sub- 
urban slopes,  just  over  the  edge  of  the  actual  crater.1 
Manchester  people  no  longer  lived  in  Manchester. 
It  was  by  turns  inundated  and  forsaken  by  the  alterna- 
tions of  a  powerful  and  systematic  human  ebb  and 
flow,  and  the  mercantile  streets  exhibited  after  seven 
o'clock  at  night  that  state  of  suspended  animation 
and  condition  of  trance  which  is  the  characteristic 
of  seaside  pools  left  by  the  receded  tide,  such  life 
as  was  visible — that  of  a  belated  clerk  or  cleaner — 
visibly  seeking  its  egress  into  the  native  element 
which  murmured  low  on  the  suburban  shallows.  The 
characteristic  creations  of  this  age  and  epoch  were 
the  stately  suburbs  of  Rusholme,  of  Pendleton,  and 
of  Kersal.      They  were  the  homes  of  the  authentic 
breed  of  Manchester  men.     Charles  Macara  was 
shaped  in  their  school,  and  carried  on  their  apostolic 

i.  It  was  in  1832  that  Cobden  horrified  Manchester  by  opening 
a  warehouse  in  Mosley  Street,  and  in  1845  that  he  went  to  live 
in  Rusholme. 


succession.    What  manner,  therefore,  of  men  were 

One  thing,  at  any  rate,  is  certain.  The  type  has 
largely  disappeared.  Its  habitations  remain,  and 
can  still  be  traced  in  Victoria  Park  and  in 
Broughton  Park ;  on  the  terraced  heights  of  Kersal 
and  Prestwich,  and  in  the  weighty  social  settlements 
of  Withington  and  Didsbury — heavy  four-square 
mansions  approached  by  drives  which  fork  away 
at  a  given  point  in  their  progress  and  pursue  a 
north-west  passage  through  a  further  afforestation 
of  rhododendron  bushes  to  the  stables,  where,  in  the 
bright  morning  of  Manchester,  grooms  dressed 
well-matched  horses  for  the  afternoon  round  of  calls, 
or  for  the  Hall£  Concerts  at  night,  and  maids 
glanced  out  at  them  from  upper  windows  in  which 
cheval  glasses  indicated  themselves  majestically. 
Sometimes  one  of  these  houses  is  removed  by  a 
painful  surgical  operation,  and  a  new  social  skin 
is  grafted  in  small  scarlet  houses  over  the  wound. 
Over  large  areas  of  these  inner  suburbs  social 
anaemia  has  begun  to  indicate  itself  in  a  fading 
complexion  and  a  feebler  pulsation  of  life;  they 
have  become  institutional,  and  the  deaf  and  dumb, 



the  fatherless,  and  the  patients  of  throat  specialists 
count  the  hours  where  once  the  red  family  blood 
ran.  From  this  house  the  family  have  been  promoted 
into  the  landed  aristocracy,  and  fallen  upon  a 
deep  territorial  sleep  in  Wales  or  the  west  of 
England ;  in  another  they  have  encountered  and 
failed  to  survive  the  searching  test  of  the  third 

Much  of  the  departing  grandeur  of  the  upper 
middle  class  was  dismantled  by  the  safety 
bicycle,  which  caused,  in  one  season,  larger  social 
modifications  and  readjustments  than  the  tall  bicycle 
— the  devotees  of  which  were,  and  remained  until  the 
end,  a  sort  of  dedicated  caste,  a  kind  of  alpine 
club — accomplished  in  thirty  years.1  Still  more  of 
this  stripping  of  the  pageantry  and  the  trappings 
of  life  was  done  by  the  motor  car.  One  motor  car 
differeth  not  very  much  from  another  in  glory,  and 
the  difference,  where  it  principally  resides,  is 
invisible  and  inexplicable  to  the  popular  intelli- 
gence, but  the  horses  and  carriages  of  the  sixties 
and  of  the  seventies  and  eighties,  the  three  decades 

i.  The  only  man  of  eminence  I  can  discover  who  committed  his 
limbs  and  life  to  the  tall  bicycle  was  Robert  Lowe,  afterwards 
Viscount  Sherbrooke. 



being  spiritually  identical,  not  only  signalled  a  con- 
siderable social  consequence,  but  specified  many  of 
its  gradations,  from  the  estate  and  twilight  condition 
of  dowagerdom,  unmistakably  notified  in  the  elderly 
white  horse  and  coachman  not  without  a  suspicion 
of   adhesive   straw,  to    noontide    family    splendour 
indicated  in  buckskin  and  cockades,  flying  foam  and 
bevelled  glass,  behind  which  some    great    personal 
force  could  be  seen  communing  with   itself  as  it 
drove    home.     Sweeping    the    gravelled    roads    of 
Victoria     Park ;     keeping     themselves     warm     by 
gingerly    perambulations   during    long   afternoons 
of  fitting  and  trying  on   in   King  Street  and  St. 
Ann's    Square;    assembling    on    Thursday    nights 
outside  the  Free  Trade  Hall  so  that  no  man  could 
count  them,  and  outside  Nonconformist  Chapels  on 
Sunday  mornings  in  appreciable  numbers ;  flashing 
their  owners  to  public  ovations  at  great  meetings, 
and   bringing   them   back   to    Meadow    Bank   and 
Hopefield  and  Sunnyside  after  homeric  victory — or 
defeat — at  the  polls,  they  indicated  the  magnificence 
and   variety  of  the   social   landscape   in   the   days 
before    Manchester   had   dispersed   itself   over  two 

counties    and    along    two    coasts,    before    limited 



liability  had  drained  much  of  the  nourishment  out 
of  the  soil  of  Lancashire,  filled  up  the  valleys  of  its 
society,  and  evolved  Oldham. 

But  it  was  not  only  for  his  chariots  and  his 
horses,  combined  as  these  things  often  were  in  his 
life  with  the  personal  habits  of  a  Spartan,  and  an 
inflexible  custom  of  Christian  service,1  nor  yet  for 
his  half-acre  of  back  pew,  with  its  sumptuous 
scriptures  and  dark  blue  rep,  or  for  the  famous 
physicians,  in  attendance  at  other  times  upon  the 
Queen,  who  were  telegraphed  for  to  his  sick  bed,  or 
the  centipedic  funeral  which  occurred  when  finally 
he  died,  that  the  Manchester  man  of  this  age  was  a 
notable  and  a  personage.  He  was  the  heir  of  a  still 
greater  age ;  he  was  a  disciple.  His  youth  had 
been  brooded  over  by  Cobden  and  Bright,  and  the 
League.  He  had  seen  what  he  had  seen ;  heard 
with  his  ears,  and  his  father  had  told  him. 

Manchester  was  a  city  with  a  soul.  It  stood  for 
an  idea.  The  counting  houses  of  Portland  Street 
and  Mosley  Street,  the  drawing-rooms  and  libraries 
behind  the  rhododendron  bushes  of  Rusholme  and 

i.  One  of  the  Cheetham  family,  who  represented  Lancashire  in 
several  of  the  mid-Victorian  Parliaments,  travelled  from  London  to 
Ashton-under-Lyne  every  Saturday,  without  missing  once,  to  teach 
his  Sunday  School  class. 


Kersal,  and  the  yellow  stone  houses  among  the 
damp  enfoldments  of  the  hills  and  vales  of 
Lancashire  where  the  calico  printers  lived,  were 
altogether  saturated  in  an  idea.  They  were  a 
"  school."  They  had  counted  for  more  in  modern 
thought  than  Oxford.  They  had  melted  their 
jewellery  for  a  cause.  They  had  organised  stupendous 
bazaars,  crowded  together  into  meetings  and 
subscription  lists,  and  with  one  heave  more,  and  yet 
another,  had  finally  hoisted  Manchester  into  the 
saddle  from  which  she  bestrode  for  two  generations 
of  time  the  public  policy  of  England,  Peel 
answering  the  hand  on  the  bridle,  Gladstone, 
through  a  long  life,  straining  every  sinew.  And 
about  the  town  there  lingered  for  a  long  time, 
discernible  in  its  men  and  its  institutions,  this 
flavour  left  by  the  passage  of  pure  thought- 
astringent,  antiseptic  to  the  infections  of  merely 
growing  rich. 

The  principal  hall  of  assemblage  in  the  town,  the 
one  in  which  Charles  Hall6  interpreted  Beethoven, 
and  audiences  of  the  well-dressed  warmed  their 
hands  at  the  faint  mid- Victorian  ecstasies  and 

sorrows  of  the  Songs  Without  Words,  was  called, 



not  after  the  goddess  of  Music  or  the  Prince 
Consort,  not  as  in  Liverpool  after  the  patron  saint 
of  England,  or,  as  in  Bristol,  after  the  philanthropist 
who  gave  the  land  and  an  endowment,  but,  in  a 
manner  unusual  in  England,  after  the  name  of  an 
intellectual  abstraction  with  which  Manchester  had 
been  at  once  platonically  and  practically  in  love.1 

It  was  not  a  vulgar  city. 


Into  this  society,  then,  Charles  Macara  was 
launched,  though  not  without  the  chance  of  picking 
up  a  favourable  breeze.  Though  closely  confined 
for  the  present  to  the  undistinguished  warehouse 
in  Mosley  Street,  and  walking  a  very  narrow  plank 
of  spare  cash,  he  yet  had  introductions,  and  there 
was  no  quarter  of  residential  Manchester  which  did 
not  offer  him  open  doors.  As  a  likeable  lad  with 
good  and  even  distinguished  connexions  in  Scot- 
land, he  carried  some  social  canvas.  Canvas  is 
rather  a  dangerous  thing  when  there  is  still  no 
great  cargo,  and  only  such  ballast  as  seventeen  or 
eighteen  years  can  be  expected  to  have  stored,  and 

i.  The  Free  Trade  Hall,  opened  in  1843  when  the  Anti-Corn 
Law  League  was  moving  swiftly  to  its  triumph,  and  still  so 
called,  to  the  embarrassment  of  those  who  use  it  to  preach  the 
opposing  doctrine. 



in  those  early  days  in  Manchester,  Charles  Macara, 
sailing  light,  but  not  unhandsomely  rigged,  is 
beating  down  the  treacherous  channel  of  well- 
appointed,  well-connected  impecuniosity.  Many 
have  come  definitely  to  grief  in  those  shallows; 
others  hang  about  them  a  life-time,  and  never  reach 
the  broad  and  buoyant  water  over  the  bar, 
biography,  and  particularly  commercial  biography, 
being  crowded  with  the  figures  of  those  who  have 
risen  to  wealth  and  station  from  nothing,  but 
exhibiting  comparatively  few  who  have  achieved 
the  more  difficult  feat  of  rising  from  something. 
There  is  nothing  so  difficult  to  live  down  as  a  start 
in  life.  Charles  Macara  kept  up  appearances 
sturdily.  Somehow  or  another  he  managed  to 
square  good  looks,  good  manners,  and  a  rather 
nicely-cut  coat  with  very  slender  means. 

No  one  suspected  that  ends  only  just  met. 
Mrs.  Parlane — a  member  of  the  Barbour  family— 
who  invited  him  to  her  house  in  Stanley  Grove 
on  Saturdays,  and  put  him  in  the  way  of 
meeting  the  wealthy  Scottish  set  in  Manchester — 
the  Barbours,  the  Bannermans,  the  Maclarens,  the 
Thorntons,  and  the  Blairs — did  not  suspect  it — or 



perhaps  she  did,  and  guessed  that  a  better  dinner 
than  the  Rusholme  lodging,  or  the  cheap  restaurants 
in  the  town  could  supply  at  the  price,  would  do  a 
Fifeshire  lad  with  an  appetite  almost  as  much  good, 
if  not  more,  than  the  conversation. 

The  Grosvenor  Square  Presbyterian  Church  was 
a  great  resource.  The  fact  is  not  always  understood 
that  in  the  days  when  the  theatre  was  still  regarded 
as  malarial,  miasmatic,  and  the  music-hall  was  not 
less  on  the  shady  outskirts  of  the  town  than  the 
mortuary,  and  there  was  nothing  like  the  present 
free  trade  in  pleasure,  religious  sectarianism  was 
the  principal  calorific  of  the  English  towns,  as  it 
remains  the  principal  calorific  of  the  villages  to  this 
day — roof,  coals  of  fire,  and  fellowship.  Sects  and 
schisms — they  ran  like  heating  pipes  through  cold 
chambers,  radiating  that  very  high  degree  of 
warmth  which  comes  from  the  agreement  and 
communion  together  of  small  and  isolated,  and  in 
some  cases  despised  minorities,  spreading  the  arts 
of  music,  oratory  and  public  affairs.  Charles 
Macara  found  a  debating  society  at  Grosvenor 
Square,  and  in  that  society  he  disentangled  the 

affairs  of  Church  and  State  in  the  company  of  other 



young  Scots — John  Alexander  Beith,  who  became 
President  of  the  Manchester  Chamber  of  Commerce, 
and  John  Kenworthy  Bythell,  who  was  afterwards 
the  Chairman  of  the  Directors  of  the  Manchester 
Ship  Canal. 

Meanwhile,  on  the  commercial  side,  the  prospect 
unfolded  itself  slowly.  The  day  of  small  things  in 
Mosley  Street  was  followed  by  a  temporary  removal 
from  Manchester  to  Glasgow,  which  had  the 
attraction  of  being  considerably  nearer  home.  In 
Glasgow  Charles  Macara  grew  out  of  his  first  youth, 
added  considerably,  in  the  service  of  a  firm  of 
merchants,  to  his  knowledge  of  business,  and  in 
1868,  at  the  age  of  twenty-three,  was  able  to  take 
his  first  important  post.  This  post  he  secured  with 
the  great  jute  firm  of  Cox  Brothers,  of  Dundee. 
One  of  the  four  brothers  who  founded  this  business 
had  married  a  cousin  of  Mrs.  William  Macara,  of 
Strathmiglo,  and  it  was  through  this  relationship 
that  Charles  Macara  came  into  contact  with  one  of 
the  super-firms  of  British  industry,  which  carried  on 
vast  operations  in  Dundee  and  in  India,  and  was 
represented  in  all  the  great  commercial  centres 
of  the  world.  He  was  appointed  to  assist 



in  representing  it  in  Manchester,  and  this  event 
may  be  taken  as  his  definite  beginning  as  a 
Manchester  Man.  All  the  ties  which  he  had 
formed  during  his  first  brief  stay  in  the  city,  and 
broken  on  his  departure  to  Glasgow,  were  repaired, 
and  it  was  not  now  as  a  lad  who  was  glad  of  a 
friend,  but  as  a  young  man  who  was  beginning  to 
be  of  definite  account,  that  he  joined  the  substantial 
society  which  gathered  every  Sunday  morning  in 
the  Grosvenor  Square  Church  for  the  preaching  of 
Dr.  Munro.  The  business  of  Cox  Brothers  had  not 
been  flourishing  in  the  district  of  Manchester  as 
the  governing  intelligence  in  Dundee  desired  that 
it  should.  Charles  Macara  gave  it  a  new  drive 
and  new  direction,  and  it  was  not  long  before  he 
was  at  the  head  of  the  Manchester  branch,  with  a 
free  hand  over  a  large  area  of  commercial  England. 
He  held  this  office  with  the  firm  until  1880,  when 
he  was  succeeded  in  it  by  a  younger  brother  from 
the  Manse  at  Strathmiglo,  going  himself  in  that 
year,  to  a  larger  sphere,  and  coming  for  the  first 
time  within  sight  of  the  work  of  his  life. 


The  House  of 



IN  1875  Charles  Macara,  then  in  his  thirtieth  year, 
and  still  in  the  service  of  Cox  Brothers,  of  Dundee, 
had  taken  the  momentous  step  of  marriage.  The 
union  which  he  made  in  that  year  was  destined  to 
turn  decisively  the  current  and  direction  of  his  life, 
and  was  not  without  its  bearing  on  the  course 
of  events  in  Lancashire.  It  liberated  into  the 
atmosphere  a  new  personal  force.  But  not  yet. 
Thus  far,  through  the  morally  decisive  years  in 
which  the  deposits  of  living  are  laid  in  the  small 
decisions  of  life,  its  daily  and  hourly  refusals  or 
assents,  its  yeas  and  its  noes,  its  to-morrows  and  its 
nows,  each  one  so  diminutive  that  only  a  microscope 
could  reveal  its  quality  and  structure,  and  yet 
forming  in  the  mass  a  concrete  so  hard  and  fast 
that  only  a  miracle  shall  modify  its  determinations, 
Charles  Macara  had  planned  and  built  his  own 
fortunes.  And  so  he  continued  to  do  for  yet  five 
years  more  after  his  marriage.  During  that  period 
of  time  he  still  represented  the  Dundee  firm,  and 



added  ounce  by  ounce,  and  inch  by  inch,  to  his 
weight  and  stature  in  Manchester.  Then  in  1880 
the  call  came  to  bigger  things.  The  dawn  broke, 
and  found  him  ready  to  march.  In  that  year  he 
was  summoned  to  one  of  the  most  famous  of 
Manchester  Houses.  Marion  Young,  whom  he 
had  married  five  years  before,  was  a  daughter  of 

the  house  of  Bannerman. 


Bannerman 's  !  It  is  not  the  full  name  of  the 
old-established  business  house  of  which  Charles 
Macara  became  in  1880  the  managing  partner.  Its 
full  name,  with  a  summarisation  of  its  calling  and 
mission  to  the  world,  is  written  on  the  monumental 
brass-plate  in  York  Street,  but  Manchester  knows 
it  emphatically — emphatically,  rather  than  briefly, 
for  it  is  still  a  vibrant  and  sonorous  name,  a  kind 
of  deep-stop  in  the  organ  of  the  town's  common 
speech — as  Bannerman's.  Manchester  is  curiously 
precise  and  pedantic  in  the  handling  of  its  house- 
hold names.  There  are  firms  which  are  never  sum- 
moned into  conversation,  but  all  the  partners  must 
appear  on  parade;  others  in  which  the  attendant 
"company,"  the  "sons"  or  "brothers,"  and,  in  an 



occasionally  arresting  instance,  the  "  nephews,"  are 
invoked.  And  there  are  others  which,  with  the 
same  invariableness,  float  about  the  common  talk 


like  disembodied  spirits.  *'  They  have  become 
elemental,  and  their  names  are  short  and  stark. 
They  have  mislaid  their  minuter  descriptions,  like 
Melba  and  Patti,  the  resulting  effect  of  the 
phenomenon  being  one  of  much  grandiosity.  It  is 
by  such  curt  and  rough  indications  as  "  Philipses  " 
and  "  Wattses  "  and  "  Rylandses  "  that  Manchester 
signifies  dynasties.  A  man  has  but  to  tell  a 
suburban  railway  carriage,  if  the  fact  be  not  already 
perfectly  well  known,  that  he  buys  or  sells  for 
"  Philipses,"  or  more  vaguely,  but  still  intelligibly, 
that  he  is  at  "Wattses"  and  the  whole  carriage 
will  immediately  comprehend  and  moodily  visualise 
the  universe  which  he  inhabits.  To  be  like  that  is 
to  be  institutional.  Bannerman's  is  like  it. 

There  is  a  state  to  be  kept  up.  There  are 
lingering  domestications.  It  has  china  and  silver 
and  a  man-servant.  It  dines.  It  has  the  faculty 
found  only  in  the  very  proudest  realms  of  trade  and 
commerce,  and  reserved  usually  to  private  banks, 
though  joint-stock  banks  noticeably  aspire  after  it 



in  their  head  offices,  of  totally  preserving  its  dignity 
in  the  face  of  an  unreserved  odour  due  to  the  steam- 
ing of  vegetables.  These  things  imply  tradition 
and  length  of  days.  They  are  the  ways  of 
merchant  princes,  and  merchant  princes  are  to  be 
distinguished  from  the  modern  breed  of  professional 
millionaires,  who  rush  furiously  from  boardroom 
to  boardroom,  and  give  out  "  yes  "  and  "  no  "  in 
the  vestibules  of  expensive  hotels.  And  then  it  is 
understood  all  over  the  town  that  Bannerman's  has 
lofty  associations  and  the  fact  is  well  in  the  general 
consciousness,  though  many  are  vague  as  to  how  it 
came  about,  that  it  gave  a  Prime  Minister  to 
England.  York  Street  flows  mutely  by  its  feet 
and  reflects  contentedly  its  sedate,  rectangular 
splendour.  York  Street  itself  belongs  to  the  sober 
noon-days  of  Manchester.  Its  architecture  is  of  the 
second  period  of  the  modern  city  ;  the  first,  discover- 
able in  the  regions  of  Cannon  Street,  where,  amid 
what  were  once  the  courts  and  alleys  and  lanes 
of  the  mediaeval  town,  lies  the  shameful  debris  of 
the  orgy  of  profits,  which  began  with  the  coming 
of  steam ;  the  third  represented  by  the  self- 
consciousness  of  King  Street  banks.  And  over 



York  Street,  so  sepulchral  and  unearthly  oa 
Sunday,  so  soiled  and  secular  on  Monday,  there 
broods  the  big  sign-board  with  the  big  name. 



To  unearth  the  founder  of  the  firm  we  shall  have 
to  go  back  to  Scotland,  and  in  Scotland — more 
precisely  in  Perthshire — in  the  very  earliest  days  of 
the  nineteenth  century,  we  shall  find  the  Henry 
Bannerman  of  the  York  Street  sign-board  and  the 
brass-plate.  According  to  every  rule  of  fortune- 
making,  this  Henry  Bannerman,  when  we  find  him 
in  the  Perthshire  farm,  should  be  a  promising,  and 
probably  it  might  turn  out  on  a  narrower  examina- 
tion, a  precocious  infant  in  arms,  or,  at  the  most, 
he  should  be  dreaming  dreams  and  viewing  the 
rural  prospect  with  distaste  at  the  tail  of  the  plough. 
To  our  surprise  we  find  that  though  owner  of  the 
land,  he  is  himself  the  farmer;  that  the  farm  has 
been,  not  a  failure,  but  a  success;  that  he  has  a 
family  of  six  sons,  the  eldest  grown  already  to  full 
manhood,  and  showing  every  likelihood  of  being  a 
successful  farmer  too,  and  six  daughters;  and  that 

he  is  himself  at  least  fifty-five  years  of  age.     Henry 



Bannerman  seems,  indeed,  when  we  first  find  him  in 
the  small  hours  of  the  nineteenth  century,  to  have 
already  determined  and  declared  himself,  and  his 
career,  as  we  survey  its  completed  journey,  resembles 
the  course  of  a  river,  which,  when  almost  within 
sound  of  the  diapason  of  the  awaiting  sea,  suddenly 
doubles  back  upon  itself,  turns  inland  again  upon 
life,  and  finally  winds  home  through  a  different 
latitude  and  a  different  physiography. 

Far  away  on  his  Perthshire  farm,  though  not 
perhaps  even  in  Perthshire  beyond  the  reach  of 
the  travelling  pack-horses  which  were  distributing 
Manchester  goods  over  far  and  wide,  Henry 
Bannerman  heard  of  the  heaving  commotions  of 
that  convulsed  and  chosen  and  apparently  inspired 
city ;  how  that  hardly  a  day  passed  but  steam  was 
admitted  into  the  vitals  of  someone's  mechanical 
hobby,  and  behold  the  thing  worked ;  how  that  the 
hand-loom  weavers  were  leaving  the  eaves  of 
domestic  industry,  still  to  be  seen  in  the  stone 
villages  of  undulating  Lancashire,  and  were  flocking 
for  the  great  migration  into  factories,  where  they 
revealed  themselves  in  a  new  social  and  spiritual 

significance  as  "hands";  how  that  the  factories 



were  an  uproar,  and  that  one  of  them  in  Salford 
had  but  recently  been  lighted  by  a  new  and  dazzling 
illuminant  peremptorily  called  "gas";  how  that 
the  newly-established  Chamber  of  Commerce,  or 
"Association  of  Trade,"  was  beside  itself  with  the 
habits  of  the  gentiles  who  devoured  Manchester 
goods,  but  recoiled  from  paying  for  them.  It  was 
the  new  age.  To  Henry  Bannerman,  mainly 
because  we  never  recognise  history  when  we  see  it 
in  the  making,  it  was  not  so  much  the  new  age  as, 
and  that  even  at  fifty-five  with  its  overfacing 
handicap,  the  new  opportunity.  It  was,  however, 
to  be  approached  cautiously.  David  Bannerman, 
the  eldest  son,  was  sent  to  Manchester  to  survey 
the  prospects  on  the  spot. 

In  the  meantime  the  rest  of  the  family  remained  at 
home,  and  the  routine  of  the  farm  went  on,  seed-time 
and  harvest  and  seed-time  again.  In  Manchester 
David  Bannerman  began  at  once  to  do  well. 
Within  a  few  months  he  had  a  warehouse  and  a 
partner  in  Marsden  Square  which  is  to  be  seen 
to-day,  an  authentic  remnant  of  early  mercantile 
Manchester,  and  in  a  year  or  two  Manchester  itself 
is  no  longer  an  experiment.  Word  is  sent  to  the 



family  in  Perthshire  that  it  is  no  longer  an 
experiment,  but  a  result.  Without  further  delay 
Henry  Bannerman  uprooted  himself.  He  gat 
himself  thence,  so  heavy  the  encumbrances  that  he 
carried  with  him,  so  numerous  the  family,  such  the 
tribe,  and  such,  be  it  added,  the  faith,  that  it 
resembles  a  migration  of  the  patriarchs. 

Nor  was  it  carried  out  without  adventures  on  the 
way.  The  journey  was  from  Perthshire  to  Glasgow, 
and  thence  by  sea  to  Liverpool.  The  vessel  was 
fourteen  days  at  sea,  and  the  last  twenty  miles, 
after  long  waiting  for  a  breeze  that  would  serve  into 
port,  had  to  be  done  in  an  open  boat.  At  last, 
however,  it  was  accomplished,  and  the  next  news  of 
the  travellers  is  that  the  firm  of  Henry  Bannerman 
and  Sons — the  sons  being  David,  the  pioneer, 
Alexander,  John  and  Henry,  for  Andrew,  the 
youngest,  became  a  calico  printer  in  another  firm — 
has  been  established  in  Market  Stead  Lane,  and  is 
trading  in  fustians,  cotton  ticks,  grey  and  white 
calicoes,  nankeens,  muslins  and  plain  fabrics,  and 
the  family  is  living  in  Mosley  Street,  where  it  keeps 
two  maids.  It  is  possible  out  of  various  fossils 
preserved  in  the  stratum  of  modern  Manchester  to 



re-furnish  the  former  ages  of  the  town.  Tudor 
Manchester  may  still  be  imagined  with  the  help  of 
a  conspicuous  fragment  in  Market  Place,  but  that 
other  age,  infinitely  less  distant  in  time,  hardly  less 
remote  in  spirit,  during  which — some  twenty  years 
before  the  first  cab  was  launched  on  the  streets  of 
Manchester,1 — the  Bannermans  lived  in  Mosley 
Street,  has  to  be  recovered  from  an  occasional 
domestic  doorway  to  a  warehouse,  though  a  more 
sustained  similitude  of  it  is  to  be  found  in  St.  John 
Street.2  In  such  houses  as  may  still  be  found  in  St. 
John  Street,  with  their  folding  shutter  boxes 
and  candelabra,  with  the  swift  and  steep  ascent  from 
the  secularities  of  the  front  street  door  to  the  over- 
powering sanctities  of  upper  chambers,  with  every 
plain  surface  concealed  by  its  antimacassar,  the  life 
was  lived — lived  by  men  whose  rolling  collars  and 
love-lorn  stocks,  and  generally  ambrosial  air,  seems 
hardly  in  keeping  with  the  severe  commercial 
rectitude  and  counting  house  virtuosity  which  were 
also  theirs.  It  was  the  classical  age  of  Manchester ; 
the  age  of  Cobden's  citizenship;  the  age  of  Moses 
and  the  prophets. 

1.  In   1839  its  "  stand  "  was  in  Piccadilly. 

2.  The  "  Harley  Street  "  of  Manchester. 



Henry  Bannerman  died  in  1823,  his  second  career 
having  lasted  some  fifteen  years.  Six  years  later, 
in  1829,  his  eldest  son  David,  the  pioneer  of  the 
family  adventure,  died  also  in  the  prime  of  life. 
He  has  the  distinction  in  local  history  of  being 
the  first  Dissenter  to  be  elected  borough-reeve,  the 
executive  head  of  the  town,  whose  mediaeval  and 
operatic  office  melts  out  of  reality  in  the  dawn  of 
incorporation,  and  is  reproduced  in  the  plainer 
prose  of  the  modern  mayoralty.  The  family 
business  was  carried  on  by  his  brothers,  and,  after 
their  retirement,  by  his  two  sons,  James  Alexander 
Bannerman  and  David  Bannerman,  and  his  nephew, 
William  Young. 

The  house  of  Bannerman  was  by  this  time 
prospering  exceedingly.  A  succession  of  removals 
from  one  street  in  mercantile  Manchester  to  another 
ended  in  the  late  thirties  in  the  final  settlement 
in  York  Street.  As  we  approach  the  fifties  and 
sixties,  we  find  the  sons  of  Henry  Bannerman 
releasing  themselves  from  the  routine  of  Manchester, 
and  becoming  county  gentlemen.  Henry  bought 
the  Hunton  estate,  in  Kent,  which  he  developed, 

becoming  in  time  one  of  the  largest  hop  growers 



in  England.  He  filled  the  office  of  High  Sheriff  of 
Kent,  and  died  at  Hunton  Court  in  1871.  John 
bought  the  estate  of  Wyastone  Leys  in  Hereford- 
shire, the  Mansion  House  of  which,  on  the  banks 
of  the  Wye,  is  one  of  the  notable  homes  of  England. 
Considerable  events  attended  on  the  marriages 
of  the  daughters  of  the  Mosley  Street  house.  Janet 
Bannerman  married  a  certain  James  Campbell,  who 
made  a  fortune  in  business  in  Glasgow,  became 
Lord  Provost  of  that  city,  and  was  knighted.  The 
second  son  of  this  marriage,  Henry  Campbell,  was 
made  the  heir  of  Henry  Bannerman,  of  Hunton 
Court,  added  Bannerman  to  his  surname,  and  as 
Sir  Henry  Campbell-Bannerman,  became  Prime 
Minister  of  England.  Another  daughter  married 
James  Young,  and  it  was  owing  to  this  marriage, 
and  his  own  union  with  their  granddaughter, 
Marion  Young,  that  Charles  Macara  entered  the 
firm  at  that  critical  moment,  when  its  youth  was 
spent,  and  its  traditions  growing  a  little  dim.  With 
his  entrance  the  firm  renews  its  youth,  and 
begins  to  belong,  as  it  had  not  belonged  before, 
to  the  public  life  of  Manchester.  We  shall  see  how 
the  sedate  dining-room  in  York  Street  sees  miracles 



done  in  the  handling  of  matters  and  men,  and  how 
for  twenty-one  eventful  years  York  Street  itself  is 

something  like  the  Downing  Street  of  the  cotton  trade. 


It  is  from  houses  like  that  of  Bannerman  and  the 
multitude  of  other  houses  like  it  in  character,  that 
Manchester  gets  its  distinct  commercial  atmosphere. 
They  give  it  its  Venetian  caste  among  the  cities  of 
the  Empire.  They  radiate  a  powerful  gentility,  and, 
in  Moss  Side,  Alexandra  Park,  and  other  bow- 
windowed  and  aspidistraed  suburbs,  nourish  large 
populations  which  get  their  livings  with  pens 
behind  their  ears.  This  is  often  counted  against 
Manchester  for  a  reproach.  Philosophers  who  have 
had  occasion  to  lose  their  tempers  with  the  town, 
have  complained  of  it,  and  have  sworn  in  their 
wrath  that  Manchester  is  sedentary ;  that  it  is  a  city 
of  middle-men,  seignors  and  burghers,  who  make 
nothing  but  money,  who  spin  not,  neither  do  they 
weave,  and  have  argued  themselves,  and  would  argue 
the  world,  into  a  low  fever  of  cosmopolitanism  ;  and 
that  the  town  is,  in  point  of  fact,  a  Babel  of  half  the 
known  and  several  of  the  unknown  languages  of 

the  earth.    The  charge  does  not  lie  at  any   rate 



against  the  house  of  Bannerman,  which  spins  and 
weaves  as  well  as  distributes,  and  as  a  general 
accusation  against  Manchester  it  conflicts  awkwardly 
with  the  traditional  military  spirit x  of  the  town. 
The  truth  is  that  the  cotton  trade,  of  which  Charles 
Macara  rose,  as  we  shall  see,  to  be  the  head  in  title 
and  in  fact,  is  about  the  highest  and  most  nervous 
form  of  life  in  the  kingdom  of  commerce,  and  the 
separation  of  function  as  between  one  member  and 
another,  though  of  the  same  body — broker,  spinner, 
yarn  agent,  manufacturer  and  merchant — set  in 
early,  and  grew  more  and  more  marked  according  to 
biological  law.  The  second  largest  trade  in  the  country 
after  agriculture,  it  is  as  subject  as  agriculture  to  varia- 
tions in  practice  due  to  habit  and  climate  and  soil. 
South  Lancashire  spins,  and  North  and  North-east 
Lancashire  weaves.  In  South  Lancashire  Bolton 
spins  fine  yarn,  and  Oldham  just  as  inveterately 
spins  medium  and  coarse  yarns. 

Among  the  weaving  towns,  again,  there  are 
localisations,  Blackburn  and  Burnley  living  largely 
on  India,  Nelson  and  Colne  weaving  coloured  yarn. 
Bolton,  which  is  on  the  dubious  frontiers  of 

i.  Exhibited  notably  in  1914,  when  the  sedentary  warehousemen 
and  clerks  joined  the  colours  en  masse. 



spinning  and  weaving  and  has  a  foot  in  both 
camps,  ministers  to  the  feminine  vanities  of 
the  civilized  world.  Where  there  are  these 
fine  shades  of  difference  in  manufacturing 
practice  we  should  expect  the  more  elementary 
distinction  between  the  merchant  and  the  manfac- 
turer.  The  earliest  Lancashire  manufacturer  was 
his  own  distributor.  For  the  home  trade  he 
employed  travellers,  who  perambulated  the  country 
at  the  head  of  small  processions  of  pack-horses;  in 
such  European  countries  as  were  open  to  him  he 
had  agents  who  sold  his  goods  at  periodical  fairs, 
of  which  the  fair  at  Frankfort  in  Germany  was  a 
notable  example.  It  was  to  guard  against  the 
perils  of  this  method  of  trading  that  the  Chamber 
of  Commerce,  which  afterwards  took  to  high  politics 
and  won  a  place  for  itself  in  history,  came  into 

The   rapid  growth  of  the  trade   in   the  age  of 

steam  l  split  the  rude  organisation  of  the  eighteenth 

i.  The  first  steam  engine  for  spinning  cotton  was  erected  in 
Manchester  in  1789.  Forty  years  later — in  1830 — Lancashire  sent 
abroad  cotton  goods  of  the  total  value  of  ^19,428,000,  and  consti- 
tuting more  than  half  the  foreign  trade  of  England.  In  1860  the 
value  of  Lancashire's  cotton  exportation  had  grown  to  ^75, 551, 178. 
In  1913  England  sent  abroad  in  manufactured  goods  of  all  kinds 
the  equivalent  of  ^"411,000,000,  of  which  Lancashire  contributed 
in  cotton  goods  slightly  less  than  one-third.  The  exportation  of 
Lancashire  piece  goods  to  India  alone,  in  one  year  before  the 
European  war,  was  more  than  ^37,000,000. 



century.  The  Manchester  merchant  disentangled 
himself  from  the  main  body  of  the  trade,  and 
Manchester,  the  seat  of  the  market,  began  to  acquire 
that  exotic  and  outlandish  flavour  which  contrasts 
so  curiously  with  the  stubborn,  and  as  it  is  exhibited 
in  Oldham,  the  ferocious  insularity  of  the  county. 
Much  of  the  distributing  business  fell  into  the  hands 
of  the  immigrant  Scotsmen,  of  whom  Henry 
Bannerman  was  one,  and  Charles  Macara,  in  due 
time  and  succession,  another.  The  German  agents 
of  the  eighteenth  century  became  the  German 
residents  of  the  nineteenth.  It  was  the  break-up  in 
1825  of  the  Turkey  Company,  which  intro- 
duced the  Greeks,  and  settled  them  at  Kersal, 
and  the  Greeks  were  followed  in  course  of  time  by 
the  Armenians  and  the  miscellaneous  company  of 

the  Levantines,  the  small  change  of  humankind. 


The  house  of  Bannerman 's  was  some  seventy 
years  old  when  Charles  Macara  came  to  manage  it 
in  1880,  and  in  the  next  few  years  he  is  busy  in 
York  Street  spring-cleaning;  breaking  doors  and 
opening  windows  into  papistical  chambers ;  conquer- 
ing the  active  opposition,  and,  much  more  formid- 



able,  the  passive  resistance  of  the  pontifical  spirit. 
The  broad  classification  of  Lancashire  trade  is  into 
home  and  foreign,  and  home  trade  includes  colonial 
trade,  the  raciality  and  psychology  of  the  two 
being  the  same.  He  closed  down  the  Canadian 
trade  of  the  house,  and  abolished  the  fancy 
goods  departments,  which  still  remain  a  large 
part  of  the  home  and  colonial  trade  of  Manchester, 
and  trained  the  firm  exclusively  on  "  heavy  "  goods, 
by  which  denomination  Manchester  understands 
such  grave  and  reverend  sanctities  as  counterpanes 
and  curtains,  quilts  and  sheets  and  blankets,  flannels 
and  calicoes  and  all  the  family  of  things  which  stand 
in  relationship  to  the  same  idea.  It  is  from  these 
things,  and  the  soul  of  these  things,  that  a  home 
trade  warehouse  gets  its  air  of  an  intense  domestic 
anxiety.  They  are  the  things  which  essentially  and 
finally  matter  to  life.  More  than  furniture  of  wood 
or  brass,  and  much  more  than  ornaments  of  silver 
and  of  gold  they  breathe  the  spirit  of  careful  and 
settled  living.  They  are  very  near  to  life  and  death. 
They  are  the  solicitude  and  circumspection  of 
matrons.  They  are  Manchester's  contribution  to 
the  world. 


The  Operatives 




BUT  it  is  still  neither  primary  nor  essential 
Lancashire.  The  warehouse  in  York  Street,  York 
Street  itself,  and  all  mercantile  Manchester,  even 
Mosley  Street  round  the  corner,  and  perhaps 
especially  Mosley  Street  with  its  banks  and  clubs, 
and  its  club-men  twinkling  like  glow-worms  in  the 
eternal  twilight  of  deep  smoke-rooms,  and  applying 
themselves  behind  upper  windows  to  cool  and 
admirable  luncheon  tables — even  these  things,  and 
all  these  things  together,  are  neither  primary  nor 
essential  Lancashire.  They  are  parasitical  on 
Lancashire;  an  excrescence  on  the  real  life  and 
organism.  Nothing  is  more  remarkable  in 
Lancashire  than  the  comparative  invisibility  of  its 
typical  and  characteristic  people.  They  are  always 
behind  the  veil,  and  the  best  view  of  the  cotton  trade 
is  to  be  obtained  on  the  coast  at  Blackpool,  or  even 
further  away  than  Blackpool,  across  the  Irish  Sea, 
in  the  Isle  of  Man,  a  self-governing  unit  of  the 
British  Empire  which  lives  almost  entirely  on  the 



profits  of  Lancashire's  annual  recreation  of  body 
and  mind.  Here,  at  the  proper  season  of  the  year, 
we  shall  find  the  originals— the  assembled  Card 
and  Blowing  Room  hands,  the  amalgamated 
Spinners,  the  linked  companions  of  the  weaving 
sheds,  and,  in  a  word,  the  operatives,  a  term  which 
has  been  appropriated  by  Lancashire,  and,  applied 
as  it  is  to  cotton  workers  alone  among  the  regiments 
of  mechanical  craftsmen,  reflects  the  pronounced 
delicacy  of  the  process,  and  the  skill  rather  than 
strength  of  those  who  carry  it  on. 

At  Blackpool  we  shall  find  the  true  types.  The 
overlooker  in  a  Sabbatical  garment,  surmounted 
by  a  new  cap  of  pale  grey,  maintains  behind  a 
ceremonious  cigar,  a  sturdy  independence  of  the 
sunset;  his  wife,  a  pace  and  a  half  behind  him,  is 
absorbed  in  the  passive  assimilation  of  oxygen,  and 
the  frequency  of  the  salutations,  the  plentiful 
occurrence  in  conversation  of  familiar  and  self- 
explanatory  names-—"  our  James  Henry  "  and  "  our 
Violet" — are  due  to  the  circumstance  that  a  whole 
street,  and  probably  almost  a  whole  town,  has  risen 
en  masse  and  migrated  to  the  coast.  Nothing  is 

new  to  them  except  their  surroundings.     At  night 



the  electrification  of  the  town  is  seen  twenty  miles 
out  to  sea  by  lonely  mariners;  and  multitudes  as  of 
the  Apocalypse  sway  to  the  music  of  great  orchestras 
on  floors  of  glass.  They  are  the  operatives. 
Manchester  itself  hardly  knows  them.  Only  on  the 
north-eastern  frontiers  of  the  city,  and  there  overlain 
by  the  more  recent  stratifications  of  chemicals  and 
engineering,  are  the  blue  shawls,  oval  faces,  and 
powdered  hair  which  are  characteristic  of  the  staple 
trade,  to  be  seen  at  all.  And  even  in  the  true  cotton 
towns  they  are  not  to  be  seen  except  at  certain  times 
of  processional  going  in  and  coming  out. 

In  the  unchartered  hours  of  morning  and  after- 
noon the  Lancashire  factory  town  is  in  a  condition 
of  partial  trance.  Only  a  meagre  middle-class  life, 
struggling  for  existence  in  the  deeply  impoverished 
soil,  stirs  faintly  in  and  out  of  shop  doors  in  the  main 
street.  From  up  the  steep  side  streets  there  arises 
the  sustained  intonation  of  invisible  machinery, 
broken  by  the  recurring  pulmonary  troubles  of 
exhaust  pipes.  On  a  hot  afternoon  the  town 
perspires  steam  ;  it  is  as  resonant  as  an  organ  loft. 
Across  the  mill  yard  a  boy  wheels  a  skip  full  of 
yarn ;  the  mill  manager,  in  his  alpaca  cap,  discusses 



technicalities  with  a  sky-blue  engineer;  the  engine 
itself  is  dimly  discernible  behind  glass,  like  an 
appalling  tiger  in  a  cage;  and  a  row  of  houses  with 
terra-cotta  lace  curtains  and  powerfully  raddled 
window-sills  try  to  look  over  the  high  wall.  In  the 
long  street  constituted  by  these  houses,  elderly  and 
monumental  women  discuss  the  revolving  pageantry 
of  births  and  funerals;  if  it  be  evening  and  the  genial 
time  of  the  year,  spinners  read  the  news  of  the  day 
in  doorways  which  admit  into  interiors  rich  in  brass 
and  mahogany,  and  busts  of  Charles  Dickens  glare 
defiantly,  and  similar  chiselled  representations  of 
Queen  Victoria  brood  majestically  at  fan-lights  over 
the  doors.  Primary  and  essential  Lancashire  ! 

It  is  one  of  the  definite  climates  and  cultures  of 
earth;  a  nursery;  a  frame  under  which  life  runs 
some  riot.  Its  men  are  the  cool  and  instructed 
connoisseurs  of  a  wide  range  of  arts  and  accomplish- 
ments— of  the  times  and  speeds  of  homing  pigeons, 
the  leg-passing  of  centre  forwards,  and  the 
crescendoes  and  diminuendoes  of  almost  morbidly 
perfect  brass  bands.  In  its  Whit-week  it  has  a 
season  of  the  year,  a  ritual  and  rubric  of  the 
calendar,  almost  to  itself.  The  minute  accuracy 



with  which  Whit-week  is  every  year  performed,  with 
its  trombones,  its  blue  silk  banners,  and  spiritual 
pride,  its  frankly  denominational  ostentations  and 
rivalries,  its  buns  and  lemonade  at  the  supreme 
moment  of  pageantry,  its  day-trips  by  waggon,  canal 
boat  or  rail,  according  to  the  day  of  the  week,  is  an 
achievement  of  Medes  and  Persians.  The  com- 
munity is  one  considerably  addicted  to  dress.  The 
transformation  which  is  effected  in  individual  cases 
somewhere  between  the  weaving  shed  and  the 
promenade  at  Blackpool,  or  even  between  the 
weaving-shed  and  the  Sunday  School  choir, 
is  the  theme  of  general  remark,  but  Lancashire 
is  perhaps  the  one  community  in  the  world  in  which 
the  final  essence  is  ingeniously  extracted  from  the 
precious  experience  of  new  clothes  by  the  simple 
device  of  all  putting  them  on  on  the  same  day. 
The  sensation  which  each  individual  experiences 
in  his  own  person  is  multiplied  vicariously  and 
the  phenomenon,  as  it  occurs  on  Whit-Sunday, 
resembles  the  casting  of  its  skin  by  a  particularly 
large  snake.  Politically  the  community  is  incalcul- 
able and  unsteady.  The  Lancashire  operative  has 
always  been  strongly  in  favour  of  Factory  Acts. 



factory  inspection,  and  the  regulation  by  the  StaU- 
of  his  hours  and  conditions  of  work.  But-  these 
views  have  been  limited  and  sectional  to  his  own 
trade,  and  not  in  any  way  a  part  of  a  general 
collectivistic  conception  of  politics.  They  have,  in 
fact,  been  combined  very  frequently  with  a  sturdy 
and  even  truculent  Church-and-Stateism,1  and  not 
seldom  in  certain  parts  of  the  county  with  a  definite 
clerical-mindedness  which  is  accounted  for  in  part  by 
the  historic  Catholicism  of  some  of  the  northern 
regions  of  the  county.  The  cotton  operatives  have 
shown  no  great  leaning  to  the  political  theorisation 
which  makes  so  many  State  Socialists  among  the 
engineers,  nor  is  he  pronouncedly  under  the  influ- 
ence of  the  minor  Methodist  bodies  which  nourish 
the  orthodox  Radicalism  of  the  miners.  But  he  is 
in  the  very  forefront  of  the  classical  trade  unionism 
of  England ;  he  is  of  the  straitest  sect,  and  it  was  in 
this  capacity  and  character  that  Charles  Macara 
became  aware  of  him,  fought  him,  got  to  know  him 
better,  and  finally  co-operaled  with  him  in  large  acts 

of  statesmanship  for  the  peace  of  the  whole  trade. 

*  *  *  * 

1.  James  Mawdaley,  the  famous  leader  of  the  Operative 
Cotton  Spinners,  was  a  Conservative  candidate  for  Oldhnm  with 
Mr.  Winston  Churchill  in  1899. 



The  house  of  Bannerman  serves  the  two  offices 
of  production  and  distribution.  In  Manchester 
it  is  the  merchant  of  cotton  and  other  goods;  in  the 
provinces  of  Manchester  it  spins  and  it  weaves. 
During  the  course  of  its  history  the  firm  became 
possessed  of  mills  and  machinery  in  Ancoats,  in 
Dukinfield  and  in  Stalybridge.  The  journey  from 
one  of  these  places  to  the  other  and  on  to  the  third 
is  not  long,  but  it  contains  sharp  and  definite 
transitions.  Ancoats,  incidentally,  the  home  of 
fine  cotton  spinning,  is  the  blunt  and  stark  butt-end 
of  Manchester ;  it  is  powerfully  rivetted  down  by 
railway  arches ;  its  open  spaces  are  goods  yards ; 
canals  evaporate  white  steam  at  the  bottom  of  deep 
fissures,  and  the  gasometers  are  like  fungus  in  a 
sour  field.  From  these  presences  the  resident 
population  of  Ancoats  has  not  fled ;  rather  has  it 
crowded  in,  and  small  houses  teeming  with  life  are 
encrusted  in  every  crack,  holding  on  to  the  great 
works — holding  on  to  each  other — like  barnacles 
clinging  to  the  knees  of  towering  rocks.  In 
the  streets  of  Ancoats  mechanics  sit  at  their 
doors  on  summer  nights  and  contemplate  the  face 

and  listen  to  the  inner  spiritual  trouble  of  gigantic 



engineering  establishments  cooling  down,  commun- 
ing with  themselves,  bubbling,  squeaking,  spitting 
and  dithering  like  kettles  uneasily  on  the  hob.  The 
local  spirit  of  Ancoais  has  been  trodden  out  by  the 
march  of  events,  and  all  its  institutions,  except  cotton/ 
engineering,  goods,  grease  and  gas  are  exotics  car- 
ried there — holiness  tabernacles,  lectures  on  the  pre- 
Raphaelites  and  societies  for  impressing  on  mothers 
the  extreme  desirability  of  having  a  clear  egress 
from  each  end  of  a  feeding-bottle — by  earnest 
landscape  gardeners  from  The 
only  traces  of  native  Lancashire  are  the  heavy 
chalking  of  the  pavement  for  "  hop-scotch," 
the  habit  of  sitting  outside  upper  window-sills  on 
Friday  evenings  for  the  better  use  of  a  wash-leather, 
and  the  appearance  occasionally  at  an  open  door  of 
the  mother  of  a  family  who,  after  announcing  her 
intention  of  "  warming  "  one  of  her  offspring  half  a 
mile  down  the  street  turns  in  again,  not  at  the 
moment  pursuing  the  matter  further,  though 
even  so,  the  manifesto  has  neither  the  buoy- 
ancy, nor  the  piercing  shrillness  and  general 
carrying  quality,  nor  the  evident  underlying 

intention  of  doing  no  such  thing  which  it  would 



have,  for  instance,  in  Dukinfield,  the  second 
of  the  cotton  climates  in  which  Charles  Macara 
found  himself  face  to  face  with  the  natives. 

For  Dukinfield  is  double-dipped  in  itself.  Some- 
where in  Dukinfield,  at  some  convenient  and 
commanding  confluence  of  its  streets,  ancient  and 
superannuated  men  will  be  found  assembled  morning 
after  morning  to  survey  and  savour  circumambient 
Dukinfield  as  Dukinfield,  and  not  as  Manchester,  nor 
as  Ashton-under-Lyne,  its  larger  neighbour  to  which 
it  is  slightly  sycophantic,  nor  even  yet  as  Staly- 
bridge,  with  which  it  joins  in  a  Member  of  Parlia- 
ment. Its  proudest  institution  is  an  inter-denomi- 
national cemetery,  and  by  force  of  having  this 
cemetery  it  is  suddenly  promoted  at  the  most 
supreme  and  solemn  moments  of  life  to  be  the 
centre,  capital  and  destination  of  a  widespread  com- 
munity. In  the  possession  of  this  cemetery  it  has 
the  pull  over  even  Ashton-under-Lyne,  which  is 
tributary  to  it,  and  the  way  up  to  the  cemetery  is 
processional  so  many  times  a  day,  that,  though  a 
residentiat  thoroughfare,  it  has  the  air  of  being  a 
long  elastic  tentacle  to  the  voracious  pallid  organism 
at  the  top  of  the  hill.  Such  is  Dukinfield, 


with  the  perpetual  throbbing  of  its  machines 
and  the  powerful  downdraught  of  smoke  on 
its  wet  afternoons,  and  yet  is  there  no 
place  in  Lancashire,  or  in  the  spilling  over 
of  Lancashire  into  Cheshire  which  occurs  here, 
where  the  contrast  is  so  sharp  between  the  secular 
street  and  its  successive  interiors,  sanctimonious 
with  steel  fenders  and  china  dogs,  or  any  town  in 
all  the  sisterhood  of  towns  where  tea-time  occurs 
every  afternoon  with  a  more  pungent  fragrancy  of 
back-stone  muffins,  or  where  "th'  master's"  rock- 
ing chair,  with  the  crimson  rep  cushion,  is  more 
happily  situated  in  regard  to  any  possible  draught, 
or  where  there  are  more  harmoniums. 

And  Stalybridge  is  yet  another  climate.  It  is 
at  Stalybridge l  that  the  far  eastern  frontiers  of 
the  cotton  trade  grow  faint  on  the  margin  of  the 
Yorkshire  moors,  and  the  smoke  from  stone 
chimneys  rides  processionally  towards  the  country 
of  the  grouse.  It  is  one  of  the  towns  in  which 
the  cotton  trade  has  blossomed  into  much 
personal  eminence  and  sustained  ruling  families. 
Among  the  green  hills  which  slope  almost  to  its 

i.  The  town  is  nnrripd  as  typical  of  the  ne\v  times  in  Disraeli's 
"  ("oningsby. " 



back  doors,  there  is  a  number  of  very  large  houses, 
and  these  houses  in  the  days  before  limited  liability 
had  devitalised  the  soil,  were  the  homes  of  a 
powerful  manufacturing  aristocracy,  some  members 
of  which  had  stood  for  Parliament,  and  others 
travelled  much  in  Italy.  Their  carriages — driven  in 
the  more  splendid  instances  by  fur-tippeted  men- 
flashed  through  the  streets  of  Ashton  and  Staly- 
bridge  any  afternoon  in  the  week,  and  their  habit 
of  placing  "  notes"  in  collection  boxes  on  Sunday 
mornings  made  the  district  a  classical  "  auxiliary  " 
of  the  London  Missionary  Society.  There  are 
people  living  who  can  remember  seeing  the  hounds 
process  through  its  main  streets  in  charge  of  a 
faded,  yet  nevertheless  authentic,  huntsman.  A  nd  yet 
Staly bridge,  for  all  its  glimpses  into  country  life, 
and  the  over-lordship  of  its  "  Priories  "  and  "  East- 
woods," its  "  Woodfields  "  and  its  "  Staveleas," 
with  their  turrets  and  gables,  and  blue  domestic 
smoke  dimly  discernible  among  trees,  has  been  one 
of  the  volcanic  regions  of  the  cotton  trade,  and  has 
germinated  distinguished  strikes.  It  is  one  of  the 
towns  which  exhibits — perhaps  it  exhibits  better  than 
any  other — the  combination  of  a  slight  industrial 



turbulence  with  an  almost  servile  respect  for  the 
House  of  Lords,  the  bench  of  bishops,  the  Union 
Jack,  the  bull-dog,  and  every  institution  disliked 
and  distrusted  by  the  soul  of  John  Bright. 

This  is  at  first  sight  a  perversity,  but  it  is  historic, 
and  shares  the  respectability  of  all  historic  things. 
It  is  the  operatives'  rejoinder  to  the  opposition  of 
Radical  manufacturers  to  the  successive  Factory 
Acts,  which  have  always  been  a  leading  object  with 
the  trade  unions  of  cotton  operatives.  The  defeat 
of  the  Liberal  party  in  Lancashire  in  1874  was 
attributed  at  the  time  to  Professor  Fawcett's  speech 
on  a  Nine  Hours'  Bill  in  the  Parliament  which  had 
then  been  dissolved,  nor  was  there  any  part  of  the 
country  in  which  Lord  Randolph  Churchill's  half- 
defined  and  nebulous  programme  of  Tory  Democracy 
which  was  understood  to  mean — so  far  as  it  could 
be  understood  to  mean  anything — a  better  time  for 
the  masses,  always,  however,  within  the  established 
order  of  Church  and  State,  met  with  a  readier 
acceptance.  Not  that  the  Conservative  em- 
ployers, who  won  elections  out  of  this  state 
of  things,  were  any  more  in  favour  of  Fac- 
tory Acts  than  their  Radical  brethren.  They 



had,  however,  a  larger  share  of  original  and 
mundane  humanity;  they  had  redeeming  vices,  and 
their  names  slipped  easily  into  the  diminutives  of 
Dick  and  Harry  and  Tom,  Ashton-under-Lyne,  for 
example,  being  represented  for  many  years  by  a 
genial  obscurantist  whom  all  the  mill  and  all  the 
town  knew  gloriously  as  "  Tommy  Mellor."  No 
one  would  ever  have  thought  of  abbreviating  the 
name — even  if  any  possible  abbrevation  had 
suggested  itself — of  Hugh  Mason,  and  John  Bright 
remained  "John  Bright"  to  the  end,  majestic, 
stark  and  formidable — somewhat  frowning  I 

It  was  at  the  Brunswick  Mill  in  Ancoats  that 
Charles  Macara  had  his  first  conflict  with  the 
operatives  of  Lancashire.  The  affair  occurred  in 
1884,  four  years  after  he  assumed  the  management 
of  the  firm  of  Bannerman,  and  it  was  one  of  those 
sudden  and  savage  outbreaks  which  were  then 
climatic  to  the  cotton  trade;  one  of  the  inter-tribal 
vendettas  between  a  master  and  his  men  which  used 
to  occur  in  the  days  before  Federation ;  before  the 
organisation  of  the  two  great  armed  states  of 
employers  and  employed,  under  which,  though  war 

contemplates  extermination,  peace  has  some  security 



as  peace.  At  the  Brunswick  Mill  there  was  in  1884 
a  renewal  of  machinery.  A  temporary  adjustment 
of  wages  was  proposed,  upon  which  the  minders 
and  piecers  in  the  mule  spinning  department  went 
out  on  strike.  Nothing  less  than  this  was  to  be 
expected,  because  the  mill  was  then  one  of  the  fever 
spots  of  the  trade,  and  had  been  the  scene  of  eleven 
strikes  in  eight  years.  On  this  occasion  Charles 
Macara,  not  perhaps  without  some  slight  enjoyment 
of  the  experience,  took  up  the  challenge,  engaged 
other  minders  and  piecers  in  place  of  those  who 
had  gone  out  on  strike,  and  announced  that  »he 
machinery  would  continue  to  run.  Then  there 
began  a  savage  conflict  for  which  Ancoats  was  by 
training  and  disposition  only  too  well  suited, 
though  even  in  the  more  temperate  zones  of  the 
cotton  trade,  the  strikes  of  this  period  were  bitter 
and  inflammatory  affairs,  with  the  shrill  cries  of 
women,  the  stampeding  of  the  strike  breakers  by  the 
heated  community  outside,  the  pursuit  of  the  strike 
breakers  to  the  station,  and  above  and  through  it  all, 
the  blank  stare  of  the  ghostly  windows  of  the  mill 
and  the  obstinate,  unstoppable  singing  of  thr 




Charles  Macara  bivouacked  the  strike  breakers  be- 
neath army  blankets  in  the  covered  mill  yard  at 
night;  tales  circulated  in  Ancoats  that  they  enjoyed 
the  companionship  of  a  savage  dog.  The  strike  was 
marked  by  numerous  acts  of  violence,  which  were 
avenged  in  the  police  courts.  There  were  rumours 
of  vitriol,  and  the  Chief  Constable  of  Manchester 
warned  him  that  he  was  in  peril  of  his 
life.  Nevertheless,  he  fought  on.  The  unaffected 
departments  of  the  mill  held  on  to  their  work 
or  were  ready  to  return  to  it  as  they  were  called 
on,  and  in  due  time  the  forty-five  minders,  with 
double  the  number  of  piecers,  who  were  auxiliary 
to  them,  sued  for  peace,  and  finally  asked  to 
be  taken  back  on  the  old  terms.  Charles  Macara 
refused.  It  was  the  first  sharp  taste  of  him  the 
operatives  ever  had  that  he  refused  to  have  these 
feverish  minders  back  again  on  any  terms,  and  that 
the  mill  in  which  they  had  struck  eleven  times  in 
eight  years  knew  them  thereafter  no  more.  Nor 
was  it,  as  we  shall  see,  so  unhappy  a  beginning  of 
the  long  acquaintance  between  him  and  them. 

Charles  Macara  will  be  remembered  in  the  cotton 

trade  chiefly  for  conciliation  and  compromise,  and 



for  many  happy  efforts  in  the  art  of  give-and-take,' 
But  conciliation  is  the  prerogative  of  the  man  who 
has  proved  himself  strong,  and  the  Ancoats  strike 
was  important  as  revealing  in  him  a  man 
who  would  fight  to  the  end  if  he  felt  sure  of 
his  cause,  and  who,  though  open  to  reason,  was 
impervious  to  fear.  The  strike  at  the  Brunswick 
Mill  in  1884  belongs  to  past  history.  Years  after- 
wards, James  Mawdsley,  the  famous  leader  of  the 
Operative  Spinners,  returning  to  a  room  in  which 
critical  decisions  were  swaying  this  way  and  that, 
asked  Charles  Macara  to  banish  from  his  mind  the 
strike  of  1884.  And,  indeed,  it  is  of  a  time  and 
temper  which  can  never  return.  It  would  not  burn 
in  the  modern  atmosphere  of  Lancashire.  For 
it  will  be  observed  that  he  fought  the  men 
without  any  aid  from  his  brother  employers ; 
that  the  men  fought  him  without  support 
from  other  workers  under  the  same  roof,  whose 
interests  were  identical  in  the  long  run  with  theirs; 
and  that  there  was  no  large  and  impartial  authority 
to  arbitrate  between  the  two.  It  was  before  the 
reign  of  law.  We  shall  see  how  the  reign  of  law 
came  in,  and  how  he  helped  to  establish  and  strove 
to  extend  it. 

i.   Vide  Appendix  E,  p.   276  et  «eq. 



r  '-t* 

Masters  and  Men 



IT  would  be  possible  to  compile  out  of  modern 
history  a  long  list  of  the  things  which  have  failed 
to  ruin  England.  Quite  half  the  modern  institutions 
of  the  country — education,  education  which  was  not 
only  popular  but  compulsory  and  free,  the  trade 
union,  the  vote,  the  vote  by  ballot,  and  even  the 
Labour  Member — are  so  much  domesticated  doom ; 
they  entered  the  enclosure  wearing  the  similitude  of 
lions,  but  if  we  leave  them  and  look  at  them  again 
in  a  few  years  we  find  them  lying  down  with  lambs. 
Politics,  religion  and  industry  all  alike  contribute 
out   of  their   modern   history  to   the   company  of 
rather   sheepish   spectres.     The   extension   of    the 
franchise   in    1832   to   the   sedate   middle   class  of 
England    was    feared    and    fought    as    something 
that    would    inaugurate    a    reign    of    terror,    and, 
rather   earlier   than     1832,    bishops   in   the   House 
of    Lords    were    voting    with    prayer  and   fasting 
against     all     proposals     to     stop     awarding     the 
penalty  of  death  for  stealing  from  clothes-lines.  The 



Nonconformist  has  mixed  so  well  with  society  that 
it  is  difficult  to  believe  how  he  also  has  been  a 
spectre,  warned  off  the  premises  for  many  years, 
and  regarded  even  in  modern  times,  and  by  modern 
intelligences,  as  a  danger  to  faith  and  morals, 
whether  trying  to  take  his  B.A.  at  Cambridge  or 
to  get  himself  interred  in  a  churchyard. 

Popular  education,  again,  was  greatly  feared  as 
likely  to  obliterate  the  precious  distinctions  between 
class  and  class,  and  is  still  generally  blamed  in  the 
South  of  England,  and  in  the  more  secluded  and 
unruffled  backwaters  of  society  in  the  North,  for 
the  scarcity  and  the  puffed-up  demeanour  of  parlour- 
maids, a  charge  of  which  it  is  partially  acquitted  by 
the  evidence  of  Addison  and  the  essayists  that  ladies 
in  the  age  of  Queen  Anne  were  complaining  of 
exactly  the  same  thing.  As  the  deluge,  each  one  of 
these  things  failed.  The  first  fruit  of  the 
Reform  Act  of  1832  was  the  new  Poor  Law,  which 
ruined  the  profession  of  pauperism,  and  set  up  as 
unsanguinary  and  unfanatical  a  social  engine 
as  the  modern  Board  of  Guardians.  Further 
extensions  of  the  franchise  brought  to  light, 
to  the  astonishment  of  everybody  except  Disraeli, 



who  foresaw  it,  the  phenomenon  of  the  Conservative 
working-man,  and  free  education,  though  it  has 
taught  the  people  to  read,  has  not  yet  done  very 
much  in  the  far  more  dangerous  direction  of  teach- 
ing them  to  think. 

It  is,  indeed,  the  characteristic  of  great  reforms 
that  they  let  down  almost  as  many  hopes  as  fears, 
and  if  we  compiled  a  list  of  the  things  which  have 
failed  to  ruin  England,  it  would  serve  equally  well 
for  a  list  of  the  things  which  have  failed  to  redeem 
her.  The  trade  union  is  a  distinguished  example 
of  this.  It  has  done  much,  but  has  failed  at  once 
of  final  evil  and  of  final  good.  It  began  as  a 
seditious  conspiracy,  and  ten  hard  years  of  Radical 
faith  and  work  were  needed  to  legalise  it.  Church 
and  State  still  intact,  the  trade  union  turns  up 
again  at  a  later  period  of  history  as  a  menace,  not 
this  time  to  law  and  order,  but  to  the  shivering 
sanctity  of  capital.  Again  it  figures  as  a  bogey. 
It  was  the  common  talk  of  upper  class  Lancashire 
in  the  eighties  and  the  early  nineties  that  trade 
unions,  no  longer  isolated  clubs  of  crack-brained 
Chartists  meeting  in  the  upper  rooms  of  public- 
houses,  but  powerful  amalgamations,  with  trained 



leaders  at  their  head,  and  funds  in  the  bank,  were 
rapidly  making  life  intolerable;  that  they  were 
driving  capital  out  of  the  country,  and  that  manufac- 
turers would  for  two  pins  remove  their  machinery 
to  some  place  (not  specified)  where  they  could  be  at 
peace,  and  do  what  they  liked  with  their  own. 
Men  who  had  stood  for  Parliament  as  Liberals, 
and  others  who  habitually  stood  as  Liberals  for 
Town  Councils,  and  had  strongly  approved  of  the 
working-class  being  consulted  as  to  whether  Mr. 
Gladstone  or  Mr.  Disraeli  should  be  the  Prime 
Minister  a  long  way  off  in  London,  drew  a  very 
decided  line  against  their  being  consulted  as  to 
whether  wages  should  go  up  or  down  five  per  cent, 
in  Lancashire,  and  whether  a  glut  of  yarn  should 
be  met  by  a  complete  stoppage  or  regulated  short 
time;  while  a  much-harassed  Mayor  of  Rochdale, 
towards  the  end  of  the  great  strike  of  1893,  fell, 
and  dragged  all  his  audience  with  him,  into  the 
common  philosophical  blunder  of  blaming  the 
agitator  for  the  agitation.1 

i.  "  It  was  a  sad  sight  to  witness  the  operatives  begging  in  the 
streets  of  Rochdale.  On  him  who  was  to  blame  for  the  present 
deplorable  state  of  affairs  rested  a  very  great  responsibility.  He 
could  not  help  feeling  that  that  responsibility  rested  very  largely 
on  the  shoulders  of  that  man." — Report  of  a  speech  by  the  Mayor 
of  Rochdale,  Manchester  Guardian  March  i8th,  1893.  James 
Mawdsley,  without  hesitation,  took  these  dark  observations  to 
himself,  and  made  a  spirited  reply. 



So  matters  proceed,  and  then,  Church  and  State 
and  even  Capital  still  intact,  we  look  a  little  later 
into  history  and  we  find  this  same  trade  union,  its 
methods  and  its  objects  quite  unchanged,  its  funds 
still  greater,  and  its  leaders  even  stouter,  counted 
definitely  among  the  conservative  forces  of  society. 
Leaders  of  industry,  like  Charles  Macara,  operating 
the  negotiation  clauses  of  the  Brooklands  Agree- 
ment, planning  Industrial  Councils  as  a  final  court 
of  appeal  between  masters  and  men,  assume  and 
count  on  (he  trade  unions  as  part  of  the  mechanism 
of  peace.  It  is  within  the  scheme  of  their  states- 
manship. Their  anxiety  about  the  trade  union  is 
not  that  it  should  be  too  strong,  but  lest  it  be  too 
weak.  For  already  the  law  of  flux  and  re-flux  has 
followed  it  even  to  this,  that  while  all  have  lost 
their  fears  of  it,  some  have  lost  their  hopes. 
The  pure  trade  unionist  is  now  the  Conservative 
of  the  Labour  movement.  He  is  the  old  gang;  the 
sedative  rather  than  the  stimulant.  In  the  volatile 
and  fiery  composition  of  the  annual  conference  of 
the  Labour  Party,  the  orthodox  trade  unionists, 
and  particularly  those  who  represent  the  textile 
unions  of  Lancashire,  are  a  solid  glutination  of 



unenthusiastic  common-sense,  hardly  distinguish- 
able from  a  board  of  directors.  But  no  longer  in 
any  sense  le  dernier  cri!  Already  they  are  thought 
slow,  and  in  the  eyes  of  State  Socialists,  syndicalists, 
and  those  who  strike  against  advice,  the  spectre  of 
the  eighties  and  the  nineties  is  voted  mainly 
sawdust.  Such  is  the  slow,  sure  progress  of  our 
state — from  groundless  fear  to  groundless  fear; 

from  the  hope  of  a  lot  to  the  realisation  of  a  little. 

#          *          #          *          *          *          * 

From  the  breaking  of  the  bale  of  cotton  to  the 
bleaching  or  printing  of  the  completed  cloth  the 
Lancashire  cotton  trade  travels  many  stages,  but 
the  major  processes  are  those  of  blowing  and 
carding,  by  which  the  raw  product  is  redeemed  of 
its  original  sin  and  the  staple  is  evolved,  and  of 
spinning  and  of  weaving,  and  we  shall  find  that  the 
protective  organisation  of  the  worker  follows  the 
technical  outline  of  his  trade,  carding,  spinning  and 
weaving  forming  three  large  and  assembled  armed 
camps  which  co-operate  on  occasion,  but  are  inde- 
pendent. The  correspondence  is  nearly  complete, 
but  not  quite.  The  ring-spinners,  all  of  whom  are 

women,    are    in     the    same    association     as    their 



sisters  of  the  card  and  blowing  room,  and  the 
piecers,  big  piecers  and  little  piecers,  whose  style 
and  title  is  the  most  ultramontane  thing  in 
Lancashire,  are  organised  separately  under  the 
tutelage  of  the  mule  spinners  or  minders. 

The  piecers,  big  and  little,  furnish  the  classical 
example  of  the  failure  of  trade  unionism  to  flourish  in 
a    soil    which     is    short    of    a     perfect    class-con- 
sciousness  and  impoverished  by  social    hopes   and 
ambitions.      Being  paid  by  the  minders,  and  there- 
fore    in     the    consciousness    of    the     minders    a 
hostile,    or    potentially    hostile     body,    they    are 
ineligible    for    full    membership    of    the    powerful 
Amalgamated    Association    of    Operative    Cotton 
Spinners,  and  would  long  ago  have  formed  a  trade 
union  of  their  own,  but  for  the  circumstance  that 
every  big  piecer  of  character  and  competence  hopes 
to  be  in  due  time  a  minder  himself,  and  lives  in  his 
probable  future  rather  than  his  actual  present.     In 
the   meantime    he    is    included    in    a    sort    of   sub- 
organisation    which    the    minders    keep    carefully 
under    their    own    control.      He    is    the    ward    in 
chancery  of  the  minder.    The  winders,  warpers  and 
reelers,  another  feminine  community,  are,  again,  out 



of  their  proper  bearings.  They  belong  to  the 
hemisphere  of  spinning,  but  in  weaving  districts  are 
organised  with  the  weavers. 

This,  then,  in  its  broadest  outline  is  the  ground 
plan  of  trade  unionism  in  the  cotton  trade,  and  on 
this  ground  plan  there  grew  up  local  associations  of 
carders,  of  spinners  and  weavers,  the  unit  being 
in  each  case  that  of  locality  plus  craft.  Organisation 
according  to  craft  still,  as  we  have  just  seen, 
continues,  and  though  there  is  a  pious  opinion  in 
favour  of  a  single  great  trade  union  for  all  cotton 
workers,1  difference  of  interest  and  outlook  which 
has  often  been  sharp  and  decided ;  difference  in  the 
rates  of  payment,  and  the  mode,  the  majority  being 
paid  by  piece  and  the  minority  by  time;  difference, 
perhaps,  even  of  temperament  between  the  mule 
spinners,  who  are  olympians,  and  the  cardroom 
hands,  who  are,  not  infrequently,  Celts,  has  stood 
in  the  way  of  such  a  centralisation  of  authority. 
On  the  other  hand,  organisation  according  to 
locality,  though  it  also  persists,  persists  only  as  a 

i.  A  resolution  to  this  effect  was  passed  in  1915  by  the  United 
Textile  Factory  Workers'  Association  (a  deliberative  body).  One 
of  several  differences  between  the  Spinners  and  the  Card  Room 
Workers  arose  as  to  the  chairmanship  of  this  body,  to  which  the 
Card  Room  does  not  now  belong. 



foundation  on  which  great  super-structures  of 
federation  are  built  up.  It  is  no  longer,  like 
organisation  by  craft,  an  expression  of  the  mentality 
of  Lancashire;  it  is  mechanical  rather  than  spiritual. 
The  first  great  amalgamation  of  local  unions  was 
that  of  the  operative  spinners,  which  was  formed  in 
1853,  three  years  after  the  birth  of  the  Amalgamated 
Society  of  Engineers  which  was  the  earliest  model 
of  the  new  type.  The  Amalgamated  Society 
of  Operative  Cotton  Spinners  has  its  head- 
quarters in  Manchester.  It  is  governed  by 
its  own  quarterly  meeting  and  Executive  Coun- 
cil, and  has  its  paid  secretary,  who  is  chosen 
by  the  unusual  method  of  competitive  examination, 
rhetoric  and  dialectics  being  the  minor,  and  mathe- 
matics, in  view  of  the  extremely  abstruse  calculations 
by  which  Lancashire  wages  are  ascertained, 
decidedly  the  major  subject  of  the  test.  The 
parched  and  sandy  arithmetic  through  which 
the  cotton  trade  lias  to  wade  to  its  results, 
the  necessity  of  fighting  the  battles  of  his 
people  in  decimals  and  fractions,  the  dense 
afforestation  of  the  ground  by  technical  and 

actuarial  detail,  has  done  more  than  anything  else 



to  determine  the  caste  and  character  of  the  trade 
union  leader  in  Lancashire.  An  expert  and  an 
accountant,  he  has  not  been  called  very  much  either 
to  prophecy,  apostleship  or  the  speaking  with 
tongues,  and,  unlike  the  checkweigh-man  of  the 
collier,  with  whom,  though  on  a  much  higher  level 
of  accomplishment,  he  corresponds,  and  who  is  in 
nearly  every  case  the  trained  athlete  of  the  pulpit 
and  the  platform  and  the  Band  of  Hope,  he  has 
given  little  to  public  and  Parliamentary  life. 

James  Mawdsley,  the  Secretary  of  the  Spinners, 
and  one  of  the  strongest  forces  Lancashire  has  ever 
known,  was  definitely  a  man  behind  a  mask.  He 
was  unfamiliar,  almost  even  to  sight,  to  the  general 
citizenship  of  the  small  town  in  which  he  lived, 
and  his  candidature,  as  a  Conservative,  for  Old- 
ham,  undertaken  at  an  advanced  age,  was  an 
enterprise  in  which  he  neither  succeeded  nor  very 
much  wanted  to  succeed. 

More  than  forty  district  associations  of  spinners 
pay  levies  to  the  Amalgamation.  These  district 
associations  reproduce  in  miniature  the  constitution 
of  the  central  organism.  They  are  identical  with  it 

chemically  and  structurally ;  they  also  possess  their 



Executive  Committees  and  their  paid  officials,  and 
the  Amalgamated  Association,  though  it  does  not 
indicate  this,  and,  indeed,  rather  obscures  it  in  its 
name — "amalgamation"  implying  the  fusion  of 
several  bodies  into  one,  and  the  destruction  of  their 
individual  identities — answers  roughly  the  political 
tests  of  a  Federation  in  which  the  constituent 
members  enjoy  the  form  and  substance  of  self- 
government,  but  are  united  for  common  purposes 
against  the  world.  That  the  structure  of  this 
important  union  was  built  up  slowly,  we  see  from 
the  circumstance  that  the  Oldham  Association  did 
not  join  the  Amalgamation  until  it  had  been  formed 
some  fifteen  years,  and  that  for  ten  years  longer 
there  were  within  the  Oldham  province  nine  rudi- 
mentary district  Associations,  each  governing  itself, 
all  competing  together  by  exacting  small  contribu- 
tions and  paying  large  benefits,  and  thereby 
weakening  the  entire  structure  of  which  they  were 
a  part.1 

This  federal  model  of  the  spinners  has  been 
copied  in  the  Amalgamated  Association  of  Card 
and  Blowing  Room  Operatives,  which  was  formed 

i.  The  weekly  contribution  of  the  individual  spinner  still  varies 
according  to  the  town  in  which  he  lives,  but  the  differentiation  is 
a  scientific  one. 

o  , 


in  1886,  and  when  we  come  to  the  weavers,  we  shall 
find  that  a  rather  lighter  soil  has  favoured  the 
appearance  of  federations  of  federations,  a  sort  of 
straining  after  stature  and  strength  which  has  not 
been  necessary  on  the  spinning  side  of  the  trade. 
The  Amalgamated  Weavers'  Association,  which  is 
itself  definitely  a  federation  of  district  unions,  is 
included  in  the  Northern  Counties  Textile  Trades' 
Federation,  a  body  which  was  formed  in  1905,  and 
embraces,  besides  the  Weavers'  Society,  several 
minor  associations  which  operate  in  odd  corners  of 
the  trade.1 

These  movements  on  the  part  of  the  operatives 
have  not  failed  of  the  obvious  answer  from  the  side 
of  the  masters.  Local  associations  of  employers  in 
the  cotton  trade  are  found  operating  in  the  sixties 
and  the  seventies.  Taught  by  his  experience  in  the 
strike  at  the  Brunswick  Mill,  Charles  Macara  took 
the  lead  in  forming  an  Association  for  Manchester, 
and  towards  the  end  of  1891  the  greater  number  of 

i.  This  body  is  not  to  be  confused,  though  confusion  would  be 
natural,  such  is  the  love  of  the  modern  trade  unionist  for  mouth- 
filling  names,  with  the  United  Textile  Factory  Workers' Association. 
This  body  deals  only  with  Parliament  and  Whitehall.  It  watches 
the  Factory  Acts,  and  suggests  amendments.  All  operatives' 
associations  belong  to  it,  except  that  of  the  Card  Boom,  and  an 
attempt  is  being  made  to  bring  the  Card  Room  back. 



those  local  bodies  came  together  in  the  Federation 
of  Master  Cotton  Spinners'  Associations.1  Each 
one  retained  its  own  office,  officials  and  constitution, 
but  a  new  body  was  now  created,  through  which  the 
employers  could  act  as  a  single  will  and  intelligence, 
the  whole  trade  being  able,  by  virtue  of  this  federa- 
tion, to  sweep  down  to  the  assistance  of  any  one 
employer  whose  case  might  be  judged  to  be  the  case 
of  all.  In  1913  fourteen  local  associations  situated 
in  towns  which  are  satellites  of  Manchester  were 
embraced  in  the  Federation.  The  Federation  was, 
however,  built  up  slowly  to  its  present  level.  It 
hardly  represented  half  the  trade  when  it  entered 
in  1892  upon  the  twenty  weeks'  struggle  with  the 
operatives,  which  ended  in  the  famous  industrial 
treaty  known  as  the  Brooklands  Agreement.  • 

It  was  this  strike,  and  the  momentous  negotiations 
which  ended  it,  that  made  Charles  Macaraa  diplomat 
and  statesman  in  the  vexed  affairs  of  capital  and 
labour.  He  entered  the  prolonged  struggle,  which 
began  in  the  autumn  of  1892  and  ended  in  the 
spring  of  1893,  as  the  head  of  one  of  the  local 

i.  There  is  a  separate  employers'  organisation  for  the  North  and 
North-Eastern  area  of  the  county  in  which  weaving  preponderates 
over  spinning. 



associations  of  employers.  When  it  terminated,  he 
was  plainly  marked  out  in  the  minds  both  of  masters 
and  men  for  the  Presidency  of  the  Federation,  and 
the  headship  both  in  title  and  in  fact  of  the 
Lancashire  cotton  trade. 

It  was  at  the  end  of  October,  1892 — the  trade 
being  at  the  time  in  a  state  of  great  irritability  and 
depression — that  the  employers  gave  notice  of  their 
intention  to  enforce  a  reduction  in  wages  of  five  per 
cent.  Notices  to  this  effect  were  posted  in  the 
mills,  and  when  these  notices  matured,  the  operatives 
refused  to  continue  at  work,  this  progression  of 
events  giving  rise  to  a  question  as  to  whether  what 
followed  was  a  strike  or  lock-out,  a  point  which  was 
argued  in  Lancashire  during  the  next  five  months 
with  the  heat  and  tenacity  which  are  generally  re- 
served in  human  intercourse  for  points  the  settlement 
of  which  will  leave  things  exactly  as  they  were  before. 
The  dispute,  however,  soon  widened  and  deepened 
into  the  much  larger  question  of  the  right  of  the 
operatives  to  come,  so  to  speak, of  age ;  to  be  admitted 
into  a  kind  of  moral  partnership  in  the  industry ; 
to  have  a  mind,  and,  with  a  mind,  the  means  of 

expressing,  and,  subject  to  the  equal  right  of  the 



other  party  in  the  trade,  enforcing  it.  So  far  the 
dispute  enlarged  itself,  but  no  further.  It  tells 
us  very  much  of  the  mentality  of  Lancashire  that 
during  twenty  weeks  in  which  the  pressure  and 
pinch  got  steadily  worse,  so  that  hunger  and  naked- 
ness were  at  last  openly  abroad  in  the  land,  no  mass 
meetings  were  held,  no  torches  lighted,  and  no 
attempt  made  to  point  the  moral  and  adorn  the 
tale  in  favour  of  Socialism  or  any  other  plan  for 
the  general  reconstruction  of  society.  From  the 
beginning  till  the  end  it  was  cotton,  and  nothing 

Still,  a  larger  question  than  one  of  five  per  cent, 
or  two-and-three-quarters  per  cent. — the  reduction 
which  the  employers  eventually  obtained — was  seen 
to  be  at  issue,  and  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  from 
the  time  when  this  larger  matter  of  the  joint 
managership  of  the  industry  definitely  emerged, 
Charles  Macara  became  a  strong  fighter  within 
his  own  party  for  wise  and  constructive  compromise.. 
Accident,  rather  than  predestination,  had  brought 
him  into  this  melee.  He  belonged  by  tradition  and 
relationship  to  the  governing  classes  of  England, 
and  though  a  Lancashire  employer,  was  neither  of 



the  type,  nor,  still  more  to  the  crucial  point  which 
the  industry  had  now  reached,  of  the  caste.  He  had 
discovered  a  real  affinity  with  James  Mawdsley,  the 
practical  and  powerful  leader  of  the  operatives,  and 
already  his  mind  was  strongly  attracted  to  such  a 
problem  of  social  architecture  as  a  compro- 
mise in  this  dispute  would  involve.  He  had 
the  organising,  settling  mind,  and  cared  just  as 
little  for  civil  war  whether  at  the  moment  he  won 
or  lost.  And  these  qualities  which  drove  him  to 
take  a  line  of  his  own,  and  made  him  not  only 
a  name,  but  a  force  in  the  great  events  of  1892 
and  1893,  were  powerfully  assisted  in  their  effect 

by  an  accident  which  put  the  management  of  the 


employers'  case  to  some  extent  in  his  hands. 

The  President  of  the  Masters'  Federation  was 
Arthur  Reyner,  who  belonged  to  a  family  which 
had,  in  a  former  generation,  migrated  from  haber- 
dashery in  the  city  of  London  to  manufacturing  in 
Lancashire.  Arthur  Reyner  was  himself  a  bachelor  of 
uncertain  health,  and  lived  at  Thornfield  Hall  near  to 
Ashton-under-Lyne,  with  a  mother  whose  strength 
and  stateliness  of  spirit,  coupled  with  extreme 


personal  fragility,  advanced  years,  and  only  occa- 
sional visibility  through  the  bevelled  glass  of  an 
ancient  brougham,  constituted  her  one  of  those 
occasional  reproductions  of  Queen  Victoria 
which  appeared  during  the  reign  of  that 
monarch,  his  life  being  one  in  which  music, 
travel  in  Switzerland,  Gladstonianism,  a  peril- 
ous habit,  for  one  of  his  weight  and  build, 
of  riding  to  hounds,  and  the  current  number 
of  the  Nineteenth  Century,  played  a  great 
part.  In  his  speeches  on  the  public  platform  great 
fluency  of  thought  and  expression  struggled  with 
anguish  against  a  marked  defect  of  utterance.  He 
had  Robert  Lowe's  inability  to  perceive  the  effect  he 
was  making  on  his  audience,  and  his  position  as 
leader  at  once  of  a  Liberal  organisation  which 
wanted  all  sorts  of  democratic  changes,  and  an 
Employers'  Federation  which  wanted  a  reduction  of 
wages,  was  a  vexatious  inconsistency,  and  probably 
accounted  very  largely,  though  it  was  not  suspected 
at  the  time,  for  the  recurrent  Conservatism  of  the 
borough  in  which  he  lived.  Arthur  Reyner's  name 
is  the  first  of  the  signatures  to  the  Brooklands 

Agreement,    but    from    time    to    time    during   the 



progress  of  the  events  which  concluded  in  that 
treaty,  he  was  incapacitated  by  illness.  His  leader- 
ship was  interrupted,  a  considerable  portion  of  it 
falling  to  Charles  Macara,  who  shortly  afterwards 
succeeded  him  in  the  leadership  of  the  Federation. 
Mr.  John  Brown  Tattersall,  who  had  himself  been  an 
operative  and  a  trade  union  leader,  and  possessed 
an  unrivalled  knowledge  of  the  technicalities  of  the 
trade,  and  Samuel  Smethurst,  one  of  the  thorough- 
breds of  Lancashire,  a  logician,  a  humourist,  and  a 
keen  swordsman  in  debate,  were  also  prominent  on 
the  employers'  side.  Among  the  operatives  James 
Mawdsley  was  the  central  figure. 


The   Brooklands 
Agreement    and  the 
Industrial  Council 


THE  twenty  weeks'  strike  ranks  in  Lancashire 
history  with  the  Cotton  Famine  some  thirty  years 
before  it.  It  lasted  long  enough  to  clear  the  sky, 
and  nearly  long  enough  to  clean  the  earth.  Distant 
objects  acquired  that  startling  visibility  which  in 
South-east  Lancashire  usually  signifies  nothing 
more  serious  than  "  the  wakes,"  and  the  operatives 
wandered  up  and  down  amid  unfamiliar  tracts 
of  morning  and  afternoon,  and  were,  for  all 
their  faith  and  fortitude,  in  the  suspended  and 
deeply  disordered  state  of  those  who  are  all  dressed 
up  with  nowhere  to  go.  The  last  chapter  of  events 
was  extremely  tense  and  dramatic,  and  the  leaders 
on  both  sides  found  themselves  scrutinised  like 
Cabinet  Ministers  in  the  throes  of  a  crisis.  More 
than  one  attempt  was  made  to  bring  them  all 
together  in  a  social  and  even  a  domestic  atmosphere, 
and  to  surprise  peace  out  of  sheer  politeness. 

One  of  these  meetings  was  held   at   the  house 
in  Prestwich  of  Robert  Ascroft,  M.P.,  the  solicitor 



for  a  section  of  the  operatives,  and  afterwards 
Conservative  member  for  Oldham,  and  though 
terms  were  discussed  both  before  and  after  dinner, 
neither  the  one  state  of  mind  nor  the  other  had  a 
favourable  result,  the  minority  of  the  employers  still 
holding  out  against  the  terms  which  ended  the 
dispute  six  weeks  later.  Meanwhile  the  growing 
margin  between  raw  cotton  and  yarn  was  arguing 
powerfully  for  peace.  The  glut  in  the  yarn  market, 
which  was  the  original  cause,  or  perhaps,  rather, 
the  occasion  of  these  troubles,  had  been  cured,  and 
when  the  leaders,  again  eluding  an  almost  morbidly 
watchful  press,  again  got  into  conference,  this  time 
at  the  extremely  unconspiratorial  Brooklands  Hotel, 
on  the  Cheshire  outskirts  of  Manchester,  peace  was 
in  the  air.  Even  so,  it  was  only  snatched,  in  the 
small  hours  of  the  morning  of  an  all-night  sitting, 
out  of  the  jaws  of  failure. 

It  is  significant  that  the  mere  rectification  of 
wages  was  settled  early  and  without  great  difficulty 
at  this  conference,  which  began  at  three  in  the 
afternoon  on  Thursday,  March  23rd,  1893.  The 
tendency  of  the  market  had  settled  that  question 
itself,  and  a  splitting  of  the  difference  between  the 



two  parties  indicated  itself  as  the  fair  thing.  But 
the  larger  issue  as  between  the  employer  and  the 
trade  union  into  which  the  smaller  question  had 
widened  and  deepened,  gave  more  trouble.  It  was 
quite  rightly  perceived  that  other  suggested  terms 
of  agreement  which  promoted  the  trade  union  far 
above  the  former  status  of  recognition  and  make  it 
a  joint  governing  body  of  the  trade,  constituted 
the  end  of  one  age  and  the  beginning  of  another. 
Several  times  in  the  course  of  the  night  capital  and 
labour  broke  away  to  their  separate  camps  in  the 
Brooklands  Hotel,  but  each  time  they  were  brought 
together  again  by  Charles  Macara  and  James 
Mawdsley,  who  had  both  begun  to  see  that  greater 
interests  were  at  stake  even  than  those  which  they 
severally  represented,  and  were  now  acting  together 
as  a  powerful  party  against  the  anarchy  which 
threatened  the  existence  at  once  of  masters  and  men. 
It  was  at  five  o'clock  in  the  morning  of  March  24th 
that  their  efforts  prevailed,  and  the  Brooklands 
Agreement,  the  first  and  greatest,  and,  indeed,  the 
model  of  all  treaties  between  capital  and  labour,  was 

i.  Robert  Ascroft,  M.P..  who  acted  as  solicitor  to  the  Card  and 
Blowing  Room  Operatives'  Amalgamation,  and  who  drew  up  the 



The  first  clause  is  a  common  confession  of  sins 
and  a  promise  of  amendment.  Both  sides  admitted 
the  folly  of  continual  disputation,  and  joined  in  a 
common  prayer  for  some  means  of  avoiding  it.  In 
this  spirit  the  immediate  difference  was  settled  by 
a  reduction  in  wages  of  sevenpence  in  the  pound. 
A  further  clause  established  a  kind  of  game  law 
in  the  trade,  a  close  time  within  which  after  each 
disturbance  wages  should  remain  at  peace;  a 
measure  beyond  which  they  should  not  vary.  No 
question  as  to  wages,  once  closed,  was  to  be  re- 
opened for  at  least  a  year,  and  no  alteration  of 
wages,  whether  it  took  the  form  of  a  rise  or  a  fall, 
was  to  measure  more  than  five  per  cent. 

These  provisions  were  afterwards  amended 
from  time  to  time,  but  whatever  their  exact  shape 
and  scope,  they  continued  to  give  a  much-needed 
stability  and  repose  to  the  weather  of  the  trade. 
But  the  vital  clause  was  the  sixth.  It  was  this 
clause  which  admitted,  and,  indeed,  ushered  the 

rough  draft  of  the  clauses,  every  one  of  which  was  discussed, 
modified  and  altered  at  conferences  both  before  and  at  the  all-night 
sitting,  formally  assured  Charles  Macara,  that  the  operatives 
would  never  forget  the  effort  he  had  made  for  an  equitable 



organised  operatire  into  the  seat  of  authority; 
which  captured  the  pure  protestantism  of  the  trade 
union  for  a  new  catholicity ;  which  took  the  pyramid 
off  its  apex  and  set  it  much  more  securely  on  its 
base.  All  this  was  contained  in  the  provisions  which 
were  made  by  the  sixth  clause  of  the  Brooklands 
Agreement  for  the  settlement  of  disputes.  They 
inaugurated  a  new  reign  of  law. 

The  clause  set  up  three  courts — a  court  of  first 
instance,  and  two  successive  courts  of  appeal,  and 
provided  that  no  disputes  in  the  trade  should  go 
to  the  length  of  a  lock-out  by  the  employers,  or  a 
strike  by  the  employed,  until  each  of  these  tribunals 
had  tried  to  settle  it,  and,  having  tried,  had  failed. 
The  statesmanship  of  the  plan  lay  in  the  removal  of 
each  promising  bud  of  difference  into  two  successive 
atmospheres  progressively  unfavourable  to  its 
vegetation.  Under  the  scheme,  any  difference  as 
to  work  or  wages  arising  in  a  cotton  mill  and 
proving  insoluble  by  the  immediate  parties  to  it, 
was  to  go  before  the  secretary  of  the  employers  and 
the  secretary  of  the  trade  union  of  the  town  in 
which  it  arose.  This  was  the  court  of  first  instance, 
and  if  this  court  failed  to  settle  the  dispute, 



its  duty  was,  within  a  given  time,  to  call 
in  three  local  employers  and  three  local  trade 
unionists  who  would  examine  the  matter  afresh. 
If  this  tribunal — the  first  court  of  appeal — 
failed  to  produce  terms  of  settlement,  the  dispute 
may  be  conceived  of  as  a  thing  of  definite  size  and 
shape,  and  ready  for  the  much  severer  ordeal  known 
to  the  administrators  of  the  trade  as  "  going  to 

In  the  final  court  of  appeal,  which,  like  the  one 
below  it,  was  to  be  summoned  within  a  stated  time, 
the  dispute  passed  out  of  the  hands  of  the  first  partici- 
pants and  their  immediate  friends  and  relations ;  it 
was  lifted  out  of  the  inflamed  area,  and  brought 
before  the  brows  and  conscience  of  the  assembled 
trade.  This  last  court  was  larger  than  the  one  belo\r 
it ;  like  the  one  below  it,  it  was  composed  of  equal 
numbers  of  employers  and  employed,  with  the 
special  provision  that  those  who  had  already  adjudi- 
cated on  the  case  should  be  swamped  in  a  majority 
of  fresh  minds.  Not  until  this  court  also  had 
dissolved  without  a  favourable  result  could  either 
side  proceed  to  extremes,  and  so  effectually  did  the 

mechanism    work    that    in    the    twenty-one    years 



during  which  the  Brooklands  Agreement  remained 
law,  there  were  only  two  general  stoppages  of  the 
trade,  one  of  them  occurring  in  1908,  when  the 
Agreement  was  sixteen,  and  the  other  in  1910,  when 
it  was  eighteen  years  old. 

Both  these  years  belong  to  that  period  of  acute 
industrial  irritability  which  was  only  allayed  by  the 
counterirritant  of  the  European  War,  and  by  this 
time  much  of  the  authority  and  some  of  the  structure 
of  the  Brooklands  Agreement  had  been  corroded 
away.  The  stoppage  in  1908,  for  example,  was  an 
outbreak  of  the  inveterate  sectionalism  of  the  trade. 
In  that  year  the  employers  claimed  a  reduction  of 
wages,  and  obtained  the  assent  of  the  operative 
spinners.  The  Card  Room  refused  to  agree,  with 
the  result  that  the  spinners  found  themselves 
conscripted  in  a  costly  campaign  of  seven  weeks 
to  which  their  corporate  will  had  not  consented.1 

The  stoppage  of  1910  immortalised  the  obscure 
personality  of  George  Howe,  who  belongs  to  that 
company  of  historical  personages  of  whom  we  catch 

i.  In  this  instance  the  employers  very  handsomely  allowed  the 
spinners  to  take  bark  their  formal  agreement  to  the  reduction. 
By  this  act  the  employers  preserved  the  solidarity  of  the  trade  at 
their  own  expense. 



only  one  single  glimpse.  He  is  one  of  the  flies  in 
the  amber  of  history.  George  Howe  was  dismissed 
from  the  Fern  Mill  at  Oldham  because,  at  the 
bidding  of  his  union,  he  refused  to  perform  certain 
duties  which  were  held  to  be  "  new  work."  In 
the  opinion  of  the  employers,  this  raised  the  vital 
issue  of  internal  authority  in  the  mills,  and 
though  it  was  found  easy  enough  to  refer  the 
immediate  point  to  arbitration,  another  crack  was 
opened  in  the  surface  by  the  question  whether  the 
cotton  trade  should  start  again  with  or  without 
George  Howe  in  his  accustomed  place  as  a  grinder 
at  the  Fern  Mill.  In  the  result  he  was  reinstated, 
not  at  the  Fern  Mill,  but  at  another  not  noticeably 
further  from  his  doorstep,  and,  on  this  compromise, 
the  trade  of  Lancashire  proceeded  on  its  way.  The 
strike  has  its  place  in  Lancashire  history  as  the 
first  occasion  on  which  the  cotton  trade  submitted 
to  the  manipulations  of  a  Government  official.1 
Even  so,  the  duty  of  the  peace-maker  did  not  go 
beyond  patiently  and  perpetually  leading  the  horse 
to  the  water  of  reconciliation.  It  drank  finally  of  its 
own  free  will.2 

i.  Sir  George  Askwith,   then  Controller  of  the  Labour  Depart- 
ment  at  the   Board  of  Trade. 

i.  This  dispute  also  brought  about  a  stoppage  of  the  industry, 
but  only  for  a  few  days. 



These  were  the  only  two  occasions  between  the 
negotiation  of  the  Brooklands  Agreement  on  March 
23rd,  1893,  and  its  repudiation  on  January  3ist, 
1913,  on  which  the  parties  to  the  Agreement  pro- 
ceeded to  actual  civil  war.  Its  failure,  in  the 
opinion  of  the  operative  spinners,  to  settle  with 
sufficient  promptitude  disputes  arising  out  of  the 
supply  of  bad  material  for  their  work — "  bad 
spinning,"  a  cause  of  grievance  which  has  been 
ingeniously  compared  with  that  of  the  Hebrew 
brick-makers  in  Egypt  who  were  required  to  make 
bricks  without  straw — was  the  cause  of  its  final 
cancellation,  but  the  apparatus  of  conciliation  was 
expressly  preserved,  an  agreement  being  ratified 
on  December  nth,  1914,  that  notices  to  cease  work 
should  not  be  posted  in  any  mill  till  the  matter  in 
dispute  had  been  considered  by  the  joint  committee, 
local  and  central,  of  the  organised  employers  and 
the  organised  employed. 

The  Brooklands  Agreement  and  Charles  Macara's 
presidency  of  the  Employers'  Federation  are  coeval 
in  the  history  of  the  Lancashire  cotton  trade.  His 
long  and  eventful  period  of  office  began  in  1894, 

the  year  after  the  agreement  was  signed,  and  before 



the  conciliation  clauses  had  yet  been   put  to  any 
trial,  and  concluded  in  the  year  after  its  repudiation. 
During    this   period   of  twenty-one    years   he   was 
unanimously  voted  into  the  chair  at  every  confer- 
ence between  employers  and  employed,  in  what  we 
have  called  the  final  court  of  appeal  of  the  trade. 
The  cotton  trade,  whether  masters  or  men,  preferred 
him  in  that  capacity  to  any  outsider  on  this  side  of 
mortality,   for,    besides   that    cotton    has   a    strong 
prejudice  against  the  stranger  that  is  without  its 
gates,  all  outsiders,  even  the  most  eminent  K.C.'s 
who  have  drifted  at  one  time  and  another  into  the 
affairs    of   the    trade,    have   been    visibly    nigh    to 
foundering  and  going  down  altogether  in  the  sheer 
stress  of  incomprehensible  details.     He  was,  too, 
the  born  chairman  of  heated  and  momentous  debate. 
In  another  sphere  of  cotton  trade    administration 
he  was  called  on  time  after  time  to  preside  over 
international     conferences     which,     but     for     his 
authoritative  physique,  resonant  voice,  and  power 
of    assuming    a    complete    impartiality    in    affairs 
in    which    he    had    himself    an    interest,    as    they 
swayed  this  way  or  that,  would  have  degenerated 
at   moments   of  excitement  into   mere  babel,   and 



these  same  qualities  were  an  immense  help  to  the 
cause  of  industrial  peace  in  Lancashire,  over  many 
critical  years. 

It  was  estimated  in  1910 — when  the  Brooklands 
Agreement  was  seventeen  years  old— that  against 
one    reduction    of    five  per   cent. — secured   by   the 
employers   in    1908 — the   operatives   generally    had 
thriven  under  its  patronage,  and  the  employers  had 
equally   benefited   by   the   great    reduction    in    the 
number  of  strikes  and  lock-outs.     But  in  his  long 
experimental     administration     of     the     Agreement 
Charles  Macara  came  to  perceive  its  sins,  and  more 
particularly   its  shortcomings,  and   began   to  look 
beyond  it  to  something  larger  which  would  cover 
all  coverable  contingencies  in  the  vexed  affairs  of 
masters  and  men.     For  one  thing,  the  clause  in  the 
agreement  which  closed  all  questions  of  wages  for 
a  definite  period  after  each   re-opening  had  been 
found   to  work  both   ways.     The  express   "  Thou 
shalt  not  "  was  found  to  reveal  itself  as  a  sort  of 
implied  "  Thou  shalt  "  the  moment  the  prohibition 
lifted.     As  it  is  apt  to  do  in  all  law-giving,  the 
definite    illegalisation    of   one    thing    implied    the 

authorisation  of  something  else,  and,  by  limiting 



the  frequency  and  extent  of  wage  fluctuations,  the 
Agreement  offered  a  strong  temptation  to  the 
disturbance  or  attempted  disturbance  of  rates  when- 
ever the  opportunity  came  round.1 

Although,  as  we  have  seen,  the  parties  to  the 
Agreement  only  twice  within  the  period  under 
review  came  to  a  full  stop,  grave  crises  had  the 
periodicity  and  punctuality  of  comets. 

But  it  was  not  so  much  the  sins  of  the  Brook- 
lands  Agreement,  as  its  definite  shortcomings, 
that  exercised  Charles  Macara's  mind.  He  began 
to  see  more  and  more  clearly  that  the  Agreement 
failed  the  trade  just  at  the  moment  when  it  was 
most  needed.  It  accompanied  the  trade  faithfully 
to  the  brink  of  disaster,  interposing  a  number  of 
invaluable  regulations  and  checks  on  the  method 
and  speed  of  getting  there,  but,  the  brink  once 
reached,  it  left  the  trade  to  its  fate.  It  was  all  very 
well  to  compel  the  two  parties  into  conferences 
intermediate  and  final,  to  put  them  into  a  room  and 
turn  the  key  on  them,  but  how,  if  after  all  this 
management,  they  still  refused  to  agree ;  how  if,  to 

i.  In  1910  the  period  within  which  wages  could  not  be  disturbed 
was  altered  from  one  year  to  two  years.  At  the  same  time  a 
demand  for  a  five  per  cent,  reduction  being  then  withdrawn,  a 
bargain  was  made  that  there  should  be  no  demand  for  an  advance 
or  reduction  for  five  years. 



use  again  the  metaphor  we  employed  a  minute  ago, 
the  horse,  though  repeatedly  led  to  the  water,  still 
refused  to  drink  ?  There  was  no  means  of  resolving 
the  situation  after  it  had  reached  the  stage  of 
deadlock.  Arbitration  was  never  acceptable  to 
either  party  in  the  trade,  or,  rather,  it  was  never 
acceptable  to  both  parties  at  the  same  time. 
Having  in  1897  got  the  entire  employing  class 
into  line,  in  a  dispute  which  was  pending  at  the 
moment,  and  recoiling  from  the  use  of  the  tremen- 
dous power  over  the  life  of  Lancashire  which  such  a 
state  of  things  placed  in  his  hands,  Charles  Macara 
offered  settlement  by  arbitration,  but  the  proposal 
was  wrecked  on  a  reef  of  minor  issues.  Accord- 
ingly he  turned  his  attention  to  an  ingenious  scheme 
of  impersonal  and  self-acting  arbitration,  or  arbitra- 
tion, as  he  himself  called  it,  without  an  arbitrator. 

In  1899  and  1900  many  conferences  were  held  in 
the  cotton  trade  on  a  scheme  for  the  regulation  of 
wages  according  to  the  state  of  trade.  At  this  time 
it  was  part  of  the  scheme  that  the  operatives  should 
supply  their  own  estimate  of  trade  profits,  and  the 
plan  came  to  grief  on  the  refusal  of  the  operatives 
to  submit  their  estimates  to  impartial  investigation. 


Five  years  later — in  1905— the  scheme  was  revived, 
with  the  benefit  this  time  of  an  ingenious  method 
of  ascertaining  the  normal  return  on  capital  in  the 
cotton  trade  at  any  given  time.  A  small  committee 
of  the  Liverpool  Cotton  Association  was  appointed 
to  decide  twice  a  week,  and  week  by  week,  the  exact 
market  values  of  standard  grades  of  raw  cotton,  and 
to  communicate  these  values  to  a  firm  of  chartered 
accountants  in  Manchester.  A  firm  of  yarn  agents 
in  Manchester  was  engaged  to  send  to  the  same 
firm  of  accountants  the  exact  market  prices  of 
standard  counts  of  yarn  on  the  same  days  in  each 
week.  The  accountants,  on  receiving  the  two  sets 
of  figures — each  set  supplied  without  missionary 
purpose,  and  in  the  spirit  of  cold  scientific  truth — 
would  have  before  them,  and  would  be  able  to 
tabulate  for  use  in  the  event  of  a  dispute  as  to 
wages,  the  gross  economic  margin  week  by  week 
between  the  raw  material  and  the  finished  product  of 
the  spinning  trade,  and,  in  order  that  truth  might  be 
still  more  delicately  sifted,  two  firms  of  accountants, 
one  acting  for  the  employers  and  the  other  for  the 
operatives,  were  appointed  to  examine  the  tabulation 

in  the  light  of  actual  experience  at  selected  mills. 



This  scheme,  founded  on  the  co-operation  of  so 
many  sets  of  independent  experts,  has  only  been 
called  into  employment  to  settle  matters  of  emer- 
gency during  the  war,  but  the  record  at  the  time  of 
writing  is  still  being  made,  employers  and  employed 
both  paying  for  the  continuance  of  the  process, 
and  Charles  Macara  regards  these  figures,  locked 
as  they  are  in  the  security  of  a  Manchester 
safe,  as  almost  the  best  legacy  he  has  helped  to 
provide  for  the  trade. 

Such,  then,  were  the  earlier  designs  for  adding 
walls  and  a  roof  to  the  arrested  structure  of  the 
Brooklands  Agreement.  One  of  them,  built  into 
the  original  plan  of  the  Agreement  in  1911,  was  a 
small  but  ingenious  expression  of  the  constructive 
spirit.  This  was  the  arrangement  proposed  and 
agreed  to  in  that  year  for  keeping  the  mechanism  of 
conciliation  running  even  after  it  had  failed  in  the  im- 
mediate object  with  which  it  had  been  set  in  motion. 
It  became  the  enacted  law  of  the  trade  that  when  the 
leaders  of  the  two  parties  had  parted  and  gone  their 
ways  on  a  final  disagreement,  and  a  stoppage  had 
accordingly  begun,  the  plenipotentiaries  should, 

within  a  fortnight  of  the  beginning  of  actual  war, 



meet  again  at  the  same  hour  and  place — a  curiously 
sentimental  piece  of  precision  such  as  we  might 
expect  from  two  lovers  who  have  parted,  but  do  not 
really  mean  it — and  at  intervals  for  as  long  as  the 
trouble  lasted,  should  continue  to  meet,  always  at 
the  same  hour  and  place  until  no  doubt  one  or 
other,  or  both,  broke  down  under  the  sheer  pathos 
of  the  situation. 

The  year  in  which  the  cotton  trade  bound  itself 
by  this  new  regulation  belongs  to  the  period  of 
Vhat  was  called,  because  it  spread  so  far  and  so  fast, 
and  was  carried  from  one  fertilisation  to  another  on 
the  wings  of  sympathy  and  imitation,  by  the 
name  of  "industrial  unrest" — a  new  name  for  a 
phenomenon  which  was  felt  to  be  essentially  new. 
By  strikes  which  spread  rapidly  in  1911  from 
seamen  to  dockers,  from  dockers  to  carters,  and 
from  carters  to  railwaymen — every  stage  in  the  vital 
function  of  transport  being  successively  affected — 
the  motor  nerves  and  muscles  of  the  country  were 
paralysed  ;  in  the  coal  strike  which  followed,  energy 
was  cut  off,  and  social  and  industrial  England  went 
cold.  The  country  was  made  to  realise  that  services 

every  bit  as  vital  as  defence  by  land  and  sea  were 

1 08 


liable  to  be  stopped  because  a  few  thousand  work- 
men could  not  agree  with  a  few  hundred  employers 
about  a  shilling. 

The  great  Third  Party  to  these  continual  indus- 
trial disputes  began  to  emerge.  Even  politics  were 
put  en  one  side,  and  "  intervening,"  another  new 
thing  in  English  public  life,  under  another  new 
name,  brought  fresh  and  grateful  chances  of  lime- 
light into  the  thirsty  lives  of  pushful  politicians. 
For  years  Charles  Macara  had  been  pointing  to 
what  he  called  the  interdependence  of  industries. 
During  the  twenty  weeks'  strike,  nineteen  years 
before  the  period  at  which  we  are  now  arrived, 
letters  written  to  him  as  one  of  the  protagonists 
whose  names  were  occurring  in  the  newspapers, 
reflected  the  effect  of  short  commons  in  Lancashire 
on  the  farms  and  market-gardens  of  the  most 
distant  shires  of  England  and  Ireland.  In  1911 
the  nail  needed  no  hammering.  Even  London, 
which  does  not  as  a  rule  think — even  London, 
threatened  by  a  dock  strike  with  semi-starvation  by 
day  and  total  darkness  by  night,  realised  dimly  that 
it  was  a  member  of  one  body  having  several 

members,   and   Lancashire,   with   its   raw   material 



piling  higher  and  higher  in  Liverpool,  and  Its 
spindles  running  down  like  unwound  watches, 
needed  no  convincing  at  all.1 

The  social  unrest  of  191 1  and  1912  is  now  dwarfed 
by  the  European  War,  which  immediately  succeeded 
it  in  the  programme  of  England's  modern  troubles. 
We  look  at  it  now,  so  to  speak  through  the  wrong 
end  of  a  telescope,  but  at  the  time  it  sounded  and  felt 
like  upheaval,  and  it  was  while  it  was  still  proceed- 
ing— a  moment  highly  favourable  for  one  who  had 
anything  more  to  contribute  than  the  rending  of 
garments  and  the  wringing  of  hands — that  Charles 
Macara  came  forward  with  the  complete  plan  of  an 
Industrial  Council 2  and  succeeded  by  dint  of  energy 
and  persistence,  in  adding  it,  temporarily,  to  the 
institutions,  and  permanently  to  the  ideas  of 

Ever  since  1908  the  Board  of  Trade,  authorised 

i.  "  Truth  to  tell,  Londoners  had  something  more  intimate, 
more  urgent,  to  think  about  (than  the  Parliament  Bill).  They 
were  informed  on  good  authority,  and  even  that  lacking,  their  own 
commonsense  was  informant  authoritative  enough,  that,  given  a 
few  more  days'  continuance  of  the  deadlock,  and  semi-starvation 
would  be  installed  among  some  seven  millions  of  people  ;  semi- 
starvation,  and,  in  all  human  probability,  something  else,  and 
perhaps  something  worse  than  that.  The  stoppage  of  the  coal 
supply  involved  the  stoppage  of  the  water  supply,  of  the  supply 
of  gas  and  electricity.  It  meant  London  in  darkness." — Extract 
from  the  Sunday  Chronicle,  August  2oth,  1911. 
2.  Vide  Appendix  E,  p.  253  et  »eq. 



by  the  Conciliation  Act  of  1896,  had  been  dabbling 
in  industrial  disputes.  It  was  willing  to  hold 
inquiries,  appoint  arbitrators,  frame  agreements, 
and  generally  to  mother  .the  contending  parties  into 
a  better  frame  of  mind  in  all  cases  wherein  these 
services  were  invited.  But  the  work  was  carried 
out  under  the  supervision  of  the  political  head  of  the 
Board,  and  was  suspected  of  the  party  spirit. 
Charles  Macara's  plan  was  the  creation  of  a 
department  ad  hoc — a  court  for  the  hearing  of 
industrial  cases  which  should  be  as  independent  of 
the  political  executive  as  the  Chancery  Division  or 
the  King's  Bench.  For  the  headship  of  this  body 
he  proposed  the  appointment  of  an  official,  whom  in 
his  earlier  expositions  of  the  scheme  he  called  an 
"  Industrial  Judge,"  and  this  functionary  was  to 
have  his  permanent  staff,  and  the  service  of  an 
Advisory  Council,  composed  of  an  equal  number  of 
the  leaders  of  capital  and  labour,  this  Council 
either  to  furnish  experts  for  the  hearing  of  causes, 
or  to  sit  in  grand  assembly,  according  to  the  nature 
and  magnitude  of  the  call  upon  its  services.  These 
cardinal  virtues — independence  of  party  and  just 

composition  of  the  body  as  between  employers  and 

ii  i 


employed — being  made  sure,  there  remained  the 
much  more  difficult  question  of  the  powers  of  the 
Council.  Was  the  Council  to  be  clothed  with  any 
powers  of  compulsion?  Was  it  to  have  the  right 
of  entry  upon  any  industrial  dispute  ?  Was  it,  once 
entered  either  by  right  or  invitation,  to  have  the 
power  of  enforcing  its  decisions?  On  this  latter 
point  there  was  neither  doubt,  nor  room  for  doubt. 
The  crack  of  the  whip  was  not  to  be  thought  of. 
The  legal  enforcement  of  awards  is  one  thing  in 
New  Zealand,  where  the  number  of  workmen  in  a 
dispute  seldom  exceeds  a  few  hundreds,  and  quite 
another  thing  in  England,  where  in  conceivable 
cases  the  malefactors  might  approach  a  quarter  of 
a  million,  a  mouthful  from  which  the  jaws  and 
appetite  of  the  ordinary  criminal  law  would  recoil.1 
There  was  a  rather  stronger  case  for  compulsion 
at  the  other  end  of  the  process.  Vast  armies  of 
workmen  could  not  be  compelled,  short  of  some- 
thing like  civil  war,  to  obey  the  verdict  of  an 
Industrial  Court.  Could  they,  on  the  other  hand,  be 

i.  "  Nobody  knowing  what  it  means  enters  upon  a  strike  lightly, 
but  just  as  certainly  no  trade  unionist  can  think  of  giving  up  the 
right  to  leave  work  if  he  believes  there  is  a  just  call  to  do  so." — 
Mr.  WILLIAM  MULLIN,  Presidential  Address  to  the  Trade  Union 
Congress,  1911. 



compelled  to  listen  to  an  Industrial  Court?  On 
this  point  Charles  Macara  was  pulled  this  way  and 
that.  The  Canadian  plan  of  operations  was  to 
preserve  intact  the  right  to  strike,  provided  that  the 
strikers  had  first  submitted  to  all  the  forms  of 
arbitration,  and  the  right  of  the  employer  to  lock 
out  his  men  was  made  subject  to  the  same 
condition.  Every  dispute  was,  on  the  motion  of 
either  party,  to  be  brought,  with  its  full  array  of 
witnesses  and  documents,  before  the  Board  of 
Conciliation  and  Investigation.  Until  this  Board 
had  formed  and  expressed  its  opinion,  the  right  to 
proceed  to  a  lock-out  or  a  strike  remained  dormant, 
but  awoke  again  when  the  Board  issued  an  award 
to  which  both  parties  could  not,  or  would  not 
agree.  A  bill  framed  on  the  Canadian  model  was 
offered  to  the  judgment  of  the  country  by  the 
English  Labour ,  Party  about  the  same  time  as 
Charles  Macara's  plan.  By  this  Bill  the  Arbitration 
Court  which  it  proposed  to  set  up  was  given  the 
right  to  hear  and  adjudicate,  and  both  parties  were 
preserved  in  the  right  to  fight  if  the  finding  was 
not  satisfactory. 

Charles  Macara  would  not  hear  of  compulsion  at 


either  end  of  the  process.  He  was  aiming  at  the 
creation  of  a  great  moral  force,  and  he  declined 
to  compromise  it  with  the  questionable  company  of 
physical  coercion  more  capable  of  being  threatened 
than  applied.  The  Industrial  Council  which  he 
asked  the  Government  to  set  up  would  be 
impartially  composed  of  capital  and  labour,  and 
would  be  known  by  its  name  and  habitation  to  all 
men.  Each  industry  which  had  its  own  judicial 
system  would  retain  it  in  full  working  order.  The 
Industrial  Council  would  be  there  to  act  when  the 
trade  in  which  any  given  dispute  had  arisen  had 
exhausted  the  means  of  grace.  Its  entrance  would  be 
a  further  use  of  the  patent  device  of  the  Brooklands 
Agreement — the  removal  of  the  dispute  out  of  the 
hands  of  those  who  started  it.  The  Council  was,  in 
fact,  the  completion,  body  and  soul,  of  the 
Brooklands  Agreement ;  and  it  was  to  act  only  by 
the  consent  of  both  parties.  It  was  to  have  the 
imperious  authority  of  those  who  do  but  stand  at 
the  gate  and  knock.  It  was  to  be  a  moral  force; 
the  delimitation  on  the  map  of  a  new  pale  of  civilisa- 
tion. No  group,  whether  of  masters  or  men — so 

his  argument   ran — would   care  to   face   the   great 



Third  Party  after  a  refusal  to  carry  their  case  before 
a  court  in  which  their  friends  numbered  as  many  as 
their  foes,  while  any  group — whether  of  masters  or 
men  again — which  persisted  in  its  course  after  the 
Council  had  declared  against  it,  would  be  outlawed 
— proscribed  !  pilloried  ! 

Charles  Macara  introduced  his  scheme  to  England 
in  a  letter  to  the  Lord  Mayor  of  Manchester 
(Mr.  Charles  Behrens x)  on  July  loth,  1911. 
In  the  course  of  this  letter  he  informed  the  Lord 
Mayor  that  the  scheme  was  the  result  of  some  years' 
thought  and  experience.  The  measure  had  long 
been  ready  in  his  mind ;  the  moment  for  submitting 
it  to  the  country  had  come  in  this  summer  of 
industrial  anarchy.  As  the  practical  scheme  of  a 
practical  man,  it  immediately  caught  the  public  eye, 
while  a  certain  constructiveness  which  was  in  it 
gained  it  much  attention  in  the  studies  of  social 
thinkers.  It  was  a  sort  of  Hague  Convention,  set 
up,  not  in  international  but  in  industrial  affairs — a 
much  more  hopeful  atmosphere,  because  while  a 

i.  Afterwards  Sir  Charles  Behrens.  His  Lord  Mayoralty  was 
distinguished  for  its  successful  avoidance  of  the  use  of  the  military 
arm  in  Manchester  at  a  time  when  other  centres  of  unrest  were 
employing  it  freely. 



strong  nation  can  defy  international  law  and  live 
piratically,  no  body  of  masters  or  men  in  the  country 
could  long  support  the  moral  and  physical  horrors  of 
outlawry.  And  so,  while  the  Manchester  Guardian 
referred  to  Charles  Macara's  "  almost  unequalled 
experience  in  the  conduct  of  difficult  disputes  in 
the  cotton  industry  "  and  found  in  the  scheme  "  the 
germ  of  a  great  and  valuable  reform,"  the  Yorkshire 
Post — the  two  voices  representing  the  call  of  deep 
unto  deep — welcomed  it  strongly,  albeit  without 
much  hope,  as  a  possible  check  upon  the  world's 
rapid  progress  to  the  dogs.1 

The  scheme  was  further  advertised  in  the  House  of 
Commons  by  a  question  by  Mr.  George  N.  Barnes, 
M.P.,  which  drew  from  the  Prime  Minister,  Mr. 
Asquith,  the  announcement  that  the  Government 
would  consider  the  establishment  of  an  Industrial 
Council  on  Charles  Macara's  model  if  it  could 
be  shown  to  have  behind  it  the  right  quantity 
and  quality  of  support.  Thus  challenged,  Charles 
Macara  proceeded  to  agitate  the  country.  Support 

i.  The  Yorkshire  Post  pointed  out  that  the  scheme  would  in  no 
way  interfere  with  the  full  working  of  the  262  permanent  Boards 
of  Joint  Committees  already  settling  disputes  in  various  trades. 
Of  these,  153  were  already  possessed  of  automatic  machinery  for 
dealing  with  deadlocks. 


was   invited  and  readily  obtained   from   the  over- 
wrought   mayoral    parlours    of    England.      Many 
great  capitalists  signified  their  assent,  and  much 
support  came  from  the  Labour  Party,  the  scheme 
harmonising  at  once  with  the  larger  constructive 
intentions  of  Labour  doctrinaires  and  the  oppor- 
tunism   of    old    trade    unionists.     Charles    Macara 
weighed  in  himself  with  an  article  in  the  Financial 
Review  of  Reviews,1  which  is  interesting  for  the 
complete  conversion  it  notates  to  collective  bargain- 
ing between  employers  and  employed.     The  trade 
union  is  no  longer  the  pestilence,  but  the  postulate 
of  ordered  society.     It  is  to  be  static  as  well  as 
dynamic,     and     passages     occur     in     this     article 
which     point     clearly     to     the      co-operation     of 
labour    in    the    general    control    of    industry,     a 
principle   he  had  often  acted  upon   informally   in 
Lancashire.      There   was   a   clause   in   the    Brook- 
lands    Agreement    recommending    joint    action  by 
employers    and    employed    in    all    matters    which 
either  threatened  evil  or  promised  good  to  the  trade 
at  large.     The  clause  died  in  the  letter,  but  Charles 
Macara    acted    constantly   on     its     principle,     and 

during  his  presidency  of  the  Federation  he  frequently 
i.  October,  1911. 



addressed  meetings  of  the  assembled  trade  and 
inaugurated  great  philanthropic  movements  for  the 
benefit  of  Lancashire  with  one  trade  union  leader 
at  his  right  hand  and  another  at  his  left.  He  now 
called  upon  labour  definitely  to  cross  the  floor  and 
join  in  the  government  of  industry,  thereby  antici- 
pating curiously  a  scheme  which,  as  we  shall  see  in 
a  moment,  was  put  forward  as  a  part  of  the  social 
reconstruction  to  follow  the  War. 

Shortly  after  the  publication  of  this  article  the 
Industrial  Council  was  established,1  the  Board  of 
Trade  notifying  its  formation  on  October  loth,  1911. 
The  scheme  was  borrowed  without  amendment, 
the  passages  in  which  the  Council's  duties  were 
limited,  no  less  than  those  in  which  they  were 
defined,  being  taken  almost  verbally  from  his  pub- 
lished advocacy  of  the  scheme.  Each  point  which 
he  had  made  in  the  press  was  merely  underlined 
in  the  official  memorandum  which  introduced  the 
Council  to  the  world— the  adverse  effect  of  industrial 
war  upon  the  general  public ;  the  necessity  of 
encouraging  and  fostering  such  voluntary  methods 
of  conciliation  as  were  already  in  force ;  the  necessity 
i.  Vide  Appendix  E,  p.  267  et  seg. 



of  adding  to  these  some  means  of  releasing  the 
condition  of  dead-lock;  the  decision  against  legal 
power  either,  as  in  Canada,  to  hear,  or,  as  in 
Australia,  to  bind.  Charles  Macara  was  among  the 
thirteen  great  employers  appointed  by  the  same 
instrument  to  balance  an  equal  number  of  eminent 
trade  unionists.  The  Government  did  not  over- 
acknowledge  its  rather  staggering  indebtedness  to 
the  author  of  the  scheme,  but  the  author  of  the 
scheme  had  got  his  way,  and  was  momentarily 

But  only  momentarily  !  The  subsequent  history 
of  the  Council  is  little  more  than  a  chapter  in  social 
waste.  It  is  possible  that  the  Council  excited  the 
jealousy  of  the  purely  political  mind;  that  the 
tendency  of  some  of  the  staple  trades  to  close  like 
oysters  against  the  touch  of  the  outside  hand  was 
against  it  from  another  side.  It  held,  at  the  request 
of  the  Government,  a  long  and  interesting  inquiry 
into  the  growing  industrial  lawlessness  of  the  times, 
but  in  the  great  strikes  which  came  after  its  establish- 

i.  Sir  George  Askwith,  K.C.,  K.C.B.,  who  was  then  Comptroller 
General  of  the  Labour  Department  of  the  Board  of  Trade,  was 
appointed  Chairman  of  the  Industrial  Council,  with  the  title  of 
Chief  Industrial  Commissioner. 



ment — the  last  of  a  long  series — it  was  very  little 
employed;  in  the  coal  strike  of  1912  only  inter- 
mittently ;  in  a  dispute  in  the  cotton  trade — a  very 
favourable  occasion  for  its  services,  since  it  raised 
the  important  industrial  question  of  the  use  of 
unorganised  labour — not  at  all.  The  outbreak  of  the 
European  War  in  1914  rolled  up  the  map  of  English 
institutions,  but  Charles  Macara  held  that  a  state  of 
war,  so  far  from  stultifying  the  Industrial  Council, 
should  have  been  its  accepted  day.  Its  twenty-six 
members  represented  the  capital  and  labour  em- 
ployed in  all  the  great  staple  industries;  it  was  a 
collection  around  one  table,  not  too  large,  of  the 
practised  brains  and  hands  of  organisation,  and  in 
a  series  of  strong  memorials  to  the  Government 
and  letters  to  the  press 1  he  urged  that  it  should 
be  employed  in  the  mobilisation  of  industry  which 

i.  When  the  war  broke  out  there  was  in  existence  in  England 
an  Industrial  Council.  It  was  appointed  by  the  Government  in 
1911  to  deal  in  a  broad  spirit,  and  with  a  strong  hand,  with 
disputes  between  Capital  and  Labour.  It  was  equally  representa- 
tive of  Capital  and  Labour  ;  it  had  the  whole  industrial  system  of 
England  under  its  eye,  all  the  industrial  practice  and  custom  of 
England  at  its  finger  tips.  At  the  moment  the  war  broke  out  the 
industrial  mobilisation  of  England  was  necessary  and  even  vital — 
as  necessary  and  as  vital  as  the  mobilisation  of  an  expeditionary 

I  20 


was,  in  his  own  words,  "  a  part  of  the  vital  strategy 
of  war."  It  was  the  voice  of  one  crying  in  a 
wilderness  of  improvised  Government  offices;  of 
machines  constructed  on  a  vast  scale  and  at  an 
enormous  expense  to  pick  up  pins ;  of  acreages  of 
wooden  shanties,  erected,  painted,  plumbed  and 
furnished  ad  hoc. 

Ideas,  however,  do  not  die  so  easily,  and  three 
years  after  the  beginning  of  the  War — in  1917 — the 
collective  direction  of  industry  by  the  whole  body 
of  workers  engaged  in  it,  which  was  at  the  root  of 
Charles  Macara's  proposal  in  191 1,  was  recommended 
by  a  Government  Committee  of  Enquiry  as  the  line 
which  industrial  progress  must  take  after  the  War. 
In  recommending  the  formation  of  National  Indus- 
trial Councils  for  all  the  highly -organised  industries, 
with  District  Councils  and  Works  Committees 
rilling  up  a  scheme  of  moral  partnership  between 
capital  and  labour,  the  Whitley  Committee  was 

force.  The  Industrial  Council  was  there,  a  perfect  engine  of 
organisation,  every  part  in  working  order,  capable,  within  a  few 
hours,  of  getting  up  the  steam  pressure  for  war.  It  was  not  used. 
(Sunday  Times,  April  19,  1917.) 



saying  an  almost  exact  ditto  to  what  was  either 
stated  or  implied  in  Charles  Macara's  agitation  in 
the  summer  of  191 1 .  It  was  his  fate,  as  an  industrial 
organiser,  to  be  a  little  ahead  of  his  times. 

I  22 


International  Cotton  Federation. 
International  Institute  of  Agriculture* 



AMONG  the  great  industries  of  England  the  cotton 
trade,  second  only  to  primordial  agriculture  in  its 
importance  and  the  mass  of  human  life  which  it 
sustains,  is  an  exotic.  It  has  not  grown  of  its  own 
roots,  but  has  been  grafted.  It  is  not  spontaneous 
like  ships  and  seafaring,  nor  is  it  like  the  industries 
of  coal  and  iron  and  wheat,  and  even  the  sister 
industry  of  wool,  the  turning  of  man  to  his  mother 
earth  so  that  in  the  sweat  of  his  brow  he  may  eat 
bread.  It  is  the  supreme  accident  of  English 
economic  history ;  the  great  departure.  To  account 
for  cotton  as  an  English  craft  at  all,  to  account  for  it 
as  the  second  in  size  and  importance  of  all  the 
English  crafts,  we  go  neither  to  the  land  of  England 
nor  to  the  waters  that  are  about  the  land.1  Not  one 
particle  of  its  raw  material  could  possibly  be  grown 
in  an  English  summer ;  its  finished  product  is  not 
recommended  for  the  English  winter,  and  in  juxta- 
position to  the  human  frame  is  frowned  upon 
i.  Vide  Appendix  A,  p.  191  et  seq.,  "  Cotton  :  its  Early  History." 


definitely  in  proverbial  wisdom  for  all  seasons  of 
the  English  year.  Situated  in  about  the  bleakest  and 
wettest  diocese  of  evangelical  England ;  inextricably 
entangled  in  Wesleyan  circuits;  lodged  in  the 
smooth  enfoldments  of  hills  that  go  up  with  a  shout 
of  pulpit  oratory  and  Sunday  School  cantatas,  the 
trade  of  Lancashire  yet  ministers  in  the  intimate 
necessity  of  calico  to  all  the  idolatries  of  earth ; 
springing  out  of  rectangular  streets  of  brick  or 
stone,  which  twinkle  with  the  brass  tablets  of  the 
Refuge  and  the  Prudential,  and  are  harsh  with  clogs 
and  early  rising ;  blackening  a  sky  which  was  already 
grey,  its  dealings  are  with  the  lotus  lands  of  East  and 
West,  and  those  who  swoon  in  the  sun.  It  trades 
under  foreign  flags;  under  strange  gods. 

Manchester  cannot  even  in  imagination  follow 
the  tremendous  and  awful  destination  of  Manchester 
goods.  They  lie  out  on  sun-blistered  quays,  and  are 
carried  by  rivers  into  forest  twilights;  they  are 
heaped  in  bazaars  and  round  the  feet  of  minarets, 
and  from  these  emporiums  they  pass  on  to  un- 
fathomable domestic  mysteries  behind  high  white 
walls ;  they  travel  on  the  backs  of  camels,  and  are 

worn  by  philosophers  at  the  mouths  of  tents ;  they 



stream  from  the  shoulders  of  fierce  horsemen,  and 
go  with  the  pitcher  down  the  steps  of  the  well. 
Lancashire  exists  by  the  tropics  and  the  sub-tropics. 
The  weaver  who  flourishes  her  washleather  in  John 
Bright  Street  on  Friday  night,  and  calls  "  James 
'Enry  "  home  out  of  the  piercing  draught,  and  the 
overlooker  who  "has  his  tea  and  washes  'im," 
always  in  that  order  and  chronology,  and  proceeds 
to  the  choir  practice,  where  they  will  rehearse  the 
Whitsuntide  hymns,  are  represented  by  time  and 
piece  in  the  hangings  of  Arabian  nights.  The 
bitterest  memory  of  John  Bright  Street  is  a  war  for 
the  liberation  of  oleographic  slaves,  and  even  the 
haughty  and  intolerant  province  of  Oldham,  which 
treads  on  a  new  fashion  as  Rome  used  to  tread 
on  a  new  thought,  and  only  removes  its  hat  for 
the  National  Anthem  or  the  funeral  of  a  Major  in 
the  Territorials  if  it  thinks  no  one  is  looking,  is 
inextricably  involved  for  its  daily  bread  with  people 
who  do  not  scruple  to  cry  Allah,  and  to  prostrate 
themselves  publicly  upon  their  faces. 

This   state   of   affairs   can   be    demonstrated    by 
statistics.       Lancashire    buys    and    brings    three 

thousand  miles  across  the  Atlantic  one-fifth  of  the    ' 



cotton  crop  of  the  Southern  States1;  she  brings  from 
the  Mediterranean  mainly  for  the  more  eclectic 
trade  of  Manchester  and  Bolton  about  one-half  of 
the  longer  stapled  crop  of  Egypt  ;2  she  spins 
and  weaves  and  dyes  and  prints  it;  she  keeps 
about  one-quarter  of  the  final  product  for  the  English 
market,  and  sends  the  rest,  representing  about  one- 
third  of  the  total  exports  of  English  manufactures, 
abroad.  Since  the  greater  part  of  the  raw  material 
comes  from  America,  and  the  greater  part  of  the 
finished  product  is  sold  in  India  and  China,  the 
fabric  passes  through  the  fingers  of  Manchester  on 
a  journey  almost  completely  across  the  world.  It  is 
not  one  of  the  native  arts  of  England,  like  the 
building  of  ships  and  the  breeding  of  horses,  but 
England's  greatest  artifice ;  a  gigantic  and  incredible 
technique.  For,  not  only  does  Lancashire  clothe  the 
inhabitants  of  one  tropic  with  a  fabric  which  has 
grown  in  the  other,  but  she  does  a  considerable  trade 
in  her  finer  goods  with  European  countries  which 
have  cotton  spinning  industries  of  their  own,  and 
a  noticeable  amount  of  the  crop  which  was  grown 

1.  Vide  Appendix  B,  p.  209  et  seq.,  Address  at  Atlanta,  Georgia, 
U.S.A.,   1907. 

2.  Vide  Appendix   C,  p.   222   et  seq.,   Address   at  Alexandria, 
Egypt,  1912. 



in  America  goes  back  again  across  the  Atlantic,  and 
finds  its  way  once  more  into  America  round  an. 
adverse  tariff  of  sixty  per  cent.  It  is  like  the  piano, 
or  an  eye  for  the  fast  balls  at  cricket,  and  just  as  these 
things,  if  they  are  consummate,  will  turn  the  course 
of  a  man's  career,  and  carry  him  wide  of  his  pre- 
ordained destiny  in  the  counting  house  or  the  shop, 
so  cotton  has  shaped  and  determined  the  history  of 
England.  England  has  thought  cotton. 

Men  have  risen  up  from  time  to  time,  and  have 
sworn  in  their  hearts  that  the  English  market  should 
belong  to  English  men,  and  behold  there  was 
Lancashire,  compromised  hopelessly  with  half  the 
attractive  strangers  of  earth,  and  unable  to  sell  to 
them,  or,  at  any  rate,  to  obtain  payment  for  what  she 
sold,  unless  they  in  their  turn  sold  to  us.  The  idea  of 
a  self-contained  island  died  in  course  of  time,  and 
reappeared  in  the  dream  of  a  self-contained  Empire, 
and  again  Lancashire,  with  a  population  larger  than 
Scotland  or  Ireland  or  Australia,  has  been  got  into 
the  scheme  with  about  as  much  painful  contrivance 
and  discomfort  as  it  cost  the  Mad  Hatter  and  the 
March  Hare  to  insert  the  dormouse  in  the  tea-pot.1 

i.  "  Greater  Manchester  "  alone  is  twice  as  great  in  population 
as  New  Zealand. 



Even  the  considerable  amount  of  manufactured 
cotton  which  comes  into  England  is  found  on 
examination  to  be  largely  composed  of  small  goods 
to  which  Lancashire  herself  has  applied  the  first 
and  most  profitable  processes.  It  is  an  industry 
which  refuses  to  climb  upon  the  knees  of  England 
and  be  nursed,  and  all  the  rest  of  the  country  has 
had  to  live  up  to  its  spirit,  just  as  a  whole  family 
has  to  inure  itself  to  open  windows  because  there  is 
a  consumptive  in  the  house.  Consequently,  men 
have  been  known  to  turn  upon  the  cotton  trade  and 
deny  it  the  name  of  English.  They  have  sworn 
in  their  wrath  that  it  is  an  excrescence ;  a  bad  habit ; 
that  South-east  Lancashire  is  not  national  in  the 
sense  in  which  Lincolnshire  and  Wessex  and 
Oxford  and  Salisbury,  and  even  Liverpool  and  the 
Potteries,  may  be  allowed  to  be  national. 

Neither,  indeed,  is  it !  Like  Palestine,  Lancashire 
belongs  to  everybody.  It  is  a  part  of  human  experi- 
ence ;  the  messianic  corner  of  earth  in  which  the  new 
world  was  announced  ;  the  region  in  which  steam  and 
mechanism  first  happened  to  man.1  And  the  cotton 
trade,  being  chosen  and  dedicated  for  this  great 

i.  "  What  Art  was  to  the  ancient  world,  Science  is  to  the 
modern  ;  the  distinctive  faculty.  In  the  minds  of  men  the  useful 



revelation,  and  having  indeed  a  mission  to  England 
which  succeeded,  and  a  mission  to  the  world  which 
has  so  far  failed,  always  abounded  in  definite 
dogmatic  teaching.  If  it  was  not  actually  born  of  a 
new  theory  of  life  and  politics,  a  new  theory  was 
certainly  necessary  to  its  growth.  It  had  to  argue 
England  out  of  being  an  island;  to  plant  a  more 
prosaic  and  temperate  conception  of  the  foreigner  as 
a  customer  in  disguise,  and  to  spread  the  belief,  still 
not  universally  held,  that  customers  are  on  the 
whole  more  desirable  when  they  have  much  to  offer 
in  exchange  than  when  only  little ;  to  clear  away 
out  of  our  own  system  tons  of  mediaeval  debris.  It 
over-did  its  mission,  as  all  good  missionaries  do. 
Knowing  no  municipal  government  except  that  of 
the  parish  beadle,  and  no  national  government 
except  that  of  landlords  in  one  House  and  their 
nominees  in  the  other,  it  was  almost  totally  desti- 
tute of  the  Greek  conception  of  the  State,  and 

has  succeeded  to  the  beautiful.  Instead  of  the  city  of  the  Violet 
Crown,  a  Lancashire  village  has  expanded  into  a  mighty  region 
of  factories  and  warehouses.  Yet,  rightly  understood,  Manchester 
is  as  great  a  human  exploit  as  Athens.  The  inhabitants,  indeed, 
are  not  so  impressed  with  their  idiosyncracy  as  the  countrymen 
of  Pericles  and  Phidias.  They  do  not  fully  comprehend  the  posi- 
tion which  they  occupy.  It  is  the  philosopher  alone  who  can 
conceive  the  grandeur  of  Manchester  and  the  immensity  of  its 
future." — BENJAMIN  DISRAELI  in  "  Coningsby,"  1844. 



though  Cobden  was  himself  an  Alderman,  the  no 
less  Greek  conception  of  the  city,  and  the  low  and 
ill-bred  gait  of  one  Manchester  street  into  another, 
the  furtive  shambling  of  Blackfriars  Street  from 
Salford  into  Manchester,  as  though  it  would  do 
anything  in  the  world  but  get  there,  being  now 
incurable,  will  last  for  ever,  as  a  lesson  against  the 
awful  consequences  of  the  Manchester  theory  of 
letting  everybody  do  as  he  likes— one  of  those 
sermons  in  stones  of  which  the  world  is  full  to  those 
who  have  ears  and  eyes.  It  miscalculated  badly  the 
future  of  the  British  Empire  and  its  zeal  for  freedom 
of  contract  led  the  country  into  the  unforgettable 
morass  of  the  early  factory  system. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  charge  against  the 
Manchester  School  that  it  cared  for  nothing  but 
material  progress  is  untrue,  and  is  refuted  by  its 
splendid  and  rather  pathetic  belief  in  self-education 
and  self-improvement — exhibiting  itself  in  a  rich  crop 
of  Mechanics'  Institutes — and  its  famous  refusal  to 
be  coerced,  even  by  ruin  and  starvation,  into  siding 
against  President  Lincoln  and  the  North.1  It  gave 

i.  "  He  had  begun  life  with  the  idea  that  the  great  manufac- 
turers and  merchants  of  England  should  aspire  to  that  high  direct- 
ing position  which  had  raised  the  Medici.  to  a  level  with 
the  sovereign  princes  of  the  earth.  Through  all  his  public  course 
Cobden  did  his  best  to  moralise  this  great  class." — "  The  Life  of 
Richard  Cobden  "  by  Lord  MORLEY. 



to  English  history  the  heroic  story  of  the  Anti-Corn 
Law  League,  and  it  enriched  the  genius  of  England 
with  Cobden's  almost  lyrical  logic  and  the  pure  and 
noble  eloquence  of  Bright.  Its  international  senti- 
ment, though  still  denied  with  strong  drink  and 
raving,  is  a  thing  to  which  the  children  of  men  will 
yet  come.  The  best  praise  of  the  Manchester  School 
is  that  it  had  to  be,  in  order  that  other  things  might 
come  after  it,  and  that  all  social  building  in  the 
future  will  have  to  be  laid  on  the  work  which  it  did 
in  its  own  time  among  English  institutions  and  in 

the  English  mind.1 


In  this  significant  community  of  Lancashire 
Charles  Macara  has  an  historic  place.  He  is  in 

i.  Much  interest  was  taken  by  England  in  1916  in  the  defeat 
of  the  Free  Trade  party  in  the  Manchester  Chamber  of  Commerce. 
Shortly  after  this  incident,  the  Indian  Government  imposed  a 
protective  duty  on  Lancashire  goods  entering  India,  a  liberty  which 
England  could  only  disallow  to  India  on  the  condition  of  remaining 
a  Free  Trade  country  herself.  The  newly-elected  directors  of  the 
Chamber,  though  remaining  in  favour  of  Protection  as  a  theory, 
objected  to  this  example  of  it  as  a  practice,  and  headed  a  great 
deputation  of  the  cotton  trade,  which  went  to  the  India  Office 
to  be  heard  against  it.  This  protest  by  the  new  directors  against 
receiving  a  small  instalment  of  their  own  policy  is  an  incident  to 
which  no  parallel  could  be  found  in  the  life  of  Alderman  Cobden 
who  brought  about  the  original  conversion  of  the  Manchester 
Chamber  of  Commerce  to  Free  Trade. 



the  apostolic  succession  of  Manchester  men,  and  we 
might  almost  say  that  the  twenty-one  years  in  which 
he  was  at  the  head  of  the  organised  cotton 
employers  was  not  only  his  reign  but — and 
it  is  a  much  rarer  phenomenon  in  history— 
his  epoch  and  his  age.  We  have  seen  what 
a  large  share  he  had  in  shaping  over  many 
critical  years  the  relations  between  employers 
and  employed,  but  the  labour  question  was  only  one 
of  a  company  of  questions  which  had  closed  in  upon 
the  trade.  They,  were  not  the  questions  which  had 
troubled  the  early  days  of  Manchester.  The  landscape 
had  completely  changed.  Classical  Manchester  had  a 
virtual  monopoly  in  cotton  manufactured  goods. 
All  the  world  was  at  its  feet,  if  it  could  only  get 
its  feet  free.  To  the  "  Manchester  School  " 
this  universe  presented  itself  as  divided  sharply 
between  England  vibrant  with  machinery  on 
the  one  hand,  and  all  the  other  countries  of 
the  world  teeming  with  food  and  raw  material 
on  the  other,  and  the  problem  was  to  bring 
about  such  an  opening  of  gates  that  the 
things  which  England  made  could  be  exchanged 
for  the  things  which  other  communities  grew.  The 

circumstance  that  we  could  not  enforce  the  opening 
of  their  gates  was  no  reason  why  we  should  not 
open  ours.  Once  admit  the  grown  produce  of  the 
foreigner  into  England,  and  it  followed  —  unless, 
indeed,  the  foreigner  was  a  philanthropist  and  also 
a  fool  —  that  he  must  take  in  exchange  for  it  the 
product  of  English  machines,  and  the  fact  that  he 
allowed  his  government  to  intercept  a  portion  of  his 
just  price  was  his  affair,  and  not  ours.  This  was 
the  proposition  which  Lancashire  had  to  prove  in 
order  that  it  might  grow. 

In  Charles  Macara's  day  the  problems  which 
encircled  the  trade  were  quite  different.  The  ailment 
of  Lancashire  was  not  so  much  the  growing  pains 
of  youth,  as  something  very  like  the  gout  of  mature 
age,  and  in  the  few  years  which  preceded  the 
opening  of  the  Manchester  Ship  Canal  there  were 
slight  but  unmistakeable  symptoms  of  early  senile 
decay.  It  was  common  knowledge  arnong  the  men 
who  spread  themselves  in  Daniel  Adamson's 
drawing-room  on  June  27th,  1882,  and  began  the 
superhuman  struggle  for  the  Canal,  that  Lancashire 
was  stationary  like  Spain.  Liverpool  was  chiefly 
blamed  for  it.  Liverpool,  and  the  railways  which 



served  to  and  from  Liverpool,  were  said  to  be  slowly 
strangling  the  trade  of  South-east  Lancashire. 

But  there  were  deeper  troubles  even  than  this.  The 
great  bulk  of  the  world's  raw  cotton  comes  from 
America,  India  and  Egypt.  There  are  wide  differ- 
ences between  the  several  crops  of  these  three 
countries,  the  product  of  the  first  serving  one  set  of 
manufacturing  processes,  that  of  the  second  another 
set,  and  that  of  the  third  yet  another.1  These  are 
the  three  main  vertical  divisions  of  the  world's  crop, 
and  the  horizontal  divisions  cutting  across  them, 
and  distinguishing  one  part  of  the  same  crop  from 
another  part  of  it  are  few  in  number,  fixed  and 
precise.  All  raw  cotton  falls  instantly  into  its 
classification,  and  the  result  of  this  was  that  the 
market  for  raw  cotton,  turning  on  its  own  axis  year  by 
year,  unperturbed  like  the  soap  market,  for  example, 
or  even  its  own  relative,  the  cloth  market,  or  any 
other  market  which  is  in  contact  with  the  incalculable 
humours  of  the  consuming  laity,  by  changes  of 
fashion,  and  the  birth  and  death  of  new  ideas,  had 
developed  habits  of  its  own,  and  a  strong  and 

i.  The  Lancashire  cotton  trade,  for  example,  makes  very  little 
use  of  Indian  cotton,  which  is  well  suited  to  continental  spinning. 
The  Egyptian  crop,  on  the  other  hand,  is  extremely  serviceable 
and,  indeed,  indispensable  to  the  fine  spinning  of  Manchester  and 



complicated  bodily  structure  which  was  largely 
independent  of  the  productive  trade  which  it  existed 
to  serve. 

Nor  was  this  all.  Lancashire  had  been 
content  to  depend  very  largely  for  her  raw 
cotton  on  the  United  states.  In  the  age  to 
which  we  have  now  come  America,  with  more 
than  30,000,000  spindles  of  her  own,  was  using 
every  year  more  and  more  of  her  cotton  crop, 
and  it  was  beginning  to  be  a  question  whether  the 
world's  consumption  of  calico,  the  extent  of  which 
can  be  dimly  appreciated  when  we  reflect  that  what 
fur  is  to  Petrograd  in  winter,  calico  is  to  the 
fabulous  millions  of  Asia  and  Africa  nearly  all  the 
year  round — climatic,  characteristic — was  not  get- 
ting beyond  anything  which  the  cotton  fields  of 
earth  could  supply.  These  were  among  the  prob- 
lems which  Charles  Macara  helped  Lancashire  to 
meet.  It  was  he  who  largely  incorporated  the 
Lancashire  cotton  industry,  and  went  a  considerable 
way  towards  incorporating  the  cotton  industry  of  the 
world.  He  gave  Lancashire  new  organisations; 
still  more  to  the  point,  he  helped  to  give  her  the 
spirit  and  the  habit  of  organisation. 



The  opening  of  the  Ship  Canal  was  the  re-birth 
of  Manchester.     It  stopped,  and,  indeed,  turned  into 
the  opposite  direction  the  migration  of  engineers, 
chemical    manufacturers,   and    all   their   tribe    and 
kindred,    from    Manchester   to  the  Clyde   and   the 
Tyne.      It  made  Manchester  the  greatest  engineer- 
ing  city    in   the   world ;    it   Americanised  Trafford 
Park.     But  it  did  not  immediately  make  its  mark 
on  the  cotton  trade.     Seventeen  days  after  it    was 
opened — on  January  27th,  1894 — tne  first  cargo  of 
cotton  sailed  processionally   into  Manchester  from 
the  United  States,  and  thirty-one  cargoes — twenty 
from  Egypt  and  eleven  from  the  United  States — 
had  arrived  when  the  Canal  was  fifteen  months  old. 
But  this  progress,  though  it  did  not  stop,  did  not 
accelerate.     Many  spinners  and  spinners'  managers 
were  unable  to  break  themselves  of  the  Liverpool 
habit  which  had  an  enjoyable  social  aspect,  and  the 
forces  which  had  been  actively  against  the  Canal  fell 
back  after  defeat  upon  passive  resistance,  the  Liver- 
pool Cotton  Association  solemnly  excommunicating 
all  unappropriated  and  still  unbought  raw  cotton 
lying    in   Manchester.1        Manchester   might   be    a 

i.  The  exact  process  was  to  make  cotton  lying  in   Manchester 
untenderable   against  contracts  for  future  delivery. 



channel,  but  Liverpool  was  still  to  be  the  reservoir. 
It  was  to  meet  this  state  of  things  that  the  Man- 
chester Cotton  Association  was  formed  on  November 
6th,  1894.  Charles  Macara,  then  comparatively 
young  in  his  office  of  President  of  the  Employers' 
Federation,  presided  in  the  Victoria  Arcade  at  one 
of  those  black-coated  and  felt-hatted  Manchester 
meetings  which  are  so  much  more  than  they  seem 
to  be,  and  took  the  directing  headship  of  an  Associa- 
tion which  was  immediately  joined  by  265  spinners 
representing  14,000,000  spindles.1  The  main  objects 
of  the  Association  were  to  promote  the  importation 
of  raw  cotton  by  the  Canal  and  to  establish  a  cotton 
market  in  Manchester.  The  Association  had  more 
success  in  the  first  than  in  the  second  of  these  aims. 
The  market  had  been  removed  from  Manchester  to 
Liverpool  by  the  opening  of  the  railway  in  1834,  and> 
though  a  number  of  brokers  have  now  returned  to 
Manchester,  the  Canal  has  not  brought  the  main 
organisation  back.  But  the  use  of  the  Canal  for 
cargoes  of  raw  cotton  was  forwarded  with  striking 
results.  Charles  Macara,  working  in  close  associa- 
tion all  the  time  with  J.  K.  Bythell,  an  old  friend 

i.  Vide  Appendix  D,  p.  249  et  teg. 


from  the  days  of  Grosvenor  Square  Church,  held 
the  presidency  for  six  years,  and,  when  he  passed 
on  the  work  in  igoo  to  other  hands,  the  seasonal 
importation  of  cotton  by  the  Canal  had  grown  from 
64,000  to  550,000  bales,  having  increased  by  150,000 
bales  in  the  last  year  of  the  period.  Larger  even 
than  the  direct  saving  to  the  Lancashire  cotton  trade 
on  this  traffic  was  the  indirect  saving  caused  by 
competition  and  the  disestablishment  of  a  monopoly. 
At  the  same  time  Liverpool,  in  accordance  with  the 
mysterious  and  beneficent  law  of  compensation, 
gained  more  than  she  lost.  Supply  was  found,  as 
it  often  is,  to  create  demand. 

Thiswas  by  no  means  the  end  of  Charles  Macara's 
dealings  with  the  momentous  question  of  transport. 
In  1902  Lancashire  was  seriously  alarmed  by  the 
rapid  strides  made  by  the  American  cotton  trade  in 
the  Chinese  market.  Transport  rates  were  suspected 
of  having  something  to  do  with  Lancashire's  loss  of 
this  trade,  and,  on  an  examination  of  the  matter,  the 
surprising  discovery  was  made  that  whereas  it  was 
three  thousand  miles  further  from  New  York  to  the 
Far  East  than  from  Liverpool,  the  American  rate  of 

carriage  was  about  half  the  English  rate.  This  intelli- 



gence  was  communicated  to  Lancashire.  It  was  one 
of  the  instances  of  his  habituat  practice  of  addressing 
himself  not  only  to  capital  but  to  labour,  and,  since 
the  charges  applied  not  alone  to  coarse  cotton 
goods,  but  to  other  classes  of  our  trade  with  China, 
including  machinery,  he  brought  practically  all  pro- 
ductive and  inventive  Lancashire  into  one  compact 
protesting  body.  Distributive  Lancashire  was  less 
easy  to  manage.  The  agitation  was  discounten- 
anced by  the  powerful  shipping  fraternity  of  Man- 
chester, and  the  Chamber  of  Commerce  on  this  occa- 
sion gave  little  help.1  The  struggle  with  the  Ship- 
ping Companies  was  a  short  one.  A  fortnight 
after  Charles  Macara  made  his  exposure  of  the 
striking  disparity  between  American  and  English 
rates  to  the  Far  East,  a  powerful  deputation  of 
masters  and  men  under  his  leadership  paid  an 
important  call  on  the  Shipping  Companies  in  Liver- 
pool, and  in  another  fortnight  the  rates  from  Liver- 
pool to  China  were  placed  on  a  level  with  the  rates 
from  New  York  to  China.  The  saving  to  the 
Lancashire  cotton  industry  alone  effected  by  these 
storming  tactics  was  estimated  at  ;£  100,000  a  year. 

i.    John   Thomson,    the   President   of  the   Chamber,  assisted 
the    cause    powerfully,    but    unofficially. 



It  was  shortly  after  this  incident — in  the  year 
1904 — that  Lancashire  formally  renounced  the 
divine  right  to  the  cotton  trade,  and  proclaimed  it 
a  commonwealth  which  was  to  overlie  trie  boun- 
daries of  some  twenty-one  civilised  countries  of  the 
world.  The  step  was  not  suggested  by  the  shrink- 
age of  Lancashire  which,  in  the  years  following 
the  establishment  of  the  International  Federation, 
increased  its  spindles  by  very  nearly  the 
equivalent  of  the  whole  cotton  trade  of  Germany, 
and  by  more  than  the  equivalent  of  that  of 
Russia  or  France,  but  by  the  unmanageable 
expansion  of  the  world.  Practically  every  inch  of 
the  unredeemed  world  won  for  civilisation  is  won 
for  calico.  The  250,000,000  inhabitants  of  the  world 
who  are  still  content  with  the  state  of  nature  are 
all  of  them  potential  customers  for  cotton,  while  the 
750,000,000  who  are  partly  clothed  buy  little  of  any- 
thing else,  and  as  their  code  of  etiquette  assumes 
further  complications,  will  buy  more  and  more. 
Added  to  all  this  is  the  enormous  consumption  of 
calico  in  the  temperate  zones  of  earth.  To  ask 
Lancashire  alone  to  feed  a  market  such  as  this  would 

be  to  ask  her  to  abandon  all  her  other  occupations,  to 



forego  all  the  arts  and  solaces  of  life,  and  even  the 
distinction  between  night  and  day,  and  still  fail ;  and 
those  who  were  uneasy  because  the  Lancashire 
cotton  industry  did  not  grow  upon  itself  in  the  same 
ratio  of  growth  as  the  juvenile  spinning  industries 
of  Europe,  were  forgetting  that  maturity  will  not 
grow  as  fast  as  youth — it  is  enough  if  it  consoli- 
dates and  develops  character. 

The  troubles  which  came  to  a  head  in  1904  were 
not  due  to  any  inability  to  sell  manufactures  but 

to  an  increasing  inability  to  buy  raw  materials. 
America,  with  a  growing  manufacturing  industry, 
was  retaining  more  and  more  of  her  own  cotton 
crop,  and  the  day  was  beginning  to  be  imaginable 
when  she  would  retain  it  all.  For  what  was  left, 
England  had  to  compete  with  the  developing  cotton 
industries  of  Europe  and  Asia,  and  the  narrow 
margin  between  the  world's  demand  and  the  world's 
supply  was  breeding  a  rampageous  speculation. 
The  "  cotton  corner  "  was  becoming  a  more  and 
more  usual  phenomenon.  The  extreme  danger  of 
Lancashire's  almost  complete  dependence  upon  the 
weather  and  the  whims  of  the  Southern  States  had 
become  apparent,  and,  about  this  time,  the  British 



Cotton  Growing  Association,  which  had  its  origin 
in  a  movement  by  the  Oldham  Chamber  of  Com- 
merce, and  of  which  Charles  Macara  afterwards 
became  a  Vice-President,  began  the  important  work 
of  opening  up  fresh  sources  of  supply  in  Africa 
under  the  British  flag. 

But  the  crisis  of  1903  and  1904  would  not  wait 
for  Africa.  It  was  Sully 's  year.  The  shortage 
of  raw  material  together  with  the  operations  of 
a  single  speculator  brought  Lancashire  to  a  state  of 
things  which  recalled,  if  it  did  not  repeat,  the  experi- 
ence of  the  Cotton  Famine  in  the  sixties.  Lanca- 
shire escaped  final  disaster  by  adopting  and  faith- 
fully working  Charles  Macara 's  plan  of  short  hours. 
The  working  hours  in  the  Lancashire  factories  were 
reduced  from  55^  to  40  per  week ;  the  operatives 
went  on  a  regimen  which  in  the  following  summer 
spelt  Blackpool  again  instead  of  Paris  or  Lucerne, 
which  were  growing  in  favour.1  The  call  upon  the 
raw  cotton  market  was  eased,  and  Sully  was  broken 
in  pieces.  Lancashire  had  saved  the  cotton  trade 
of  the  world,  but  it  was  clearly  felt  that  the  sacrifice 
must  not  be  asked  of  her  again.  The  mass  meeting 

i.  Charles  Macara  was  always  against  complete  stoppages  of 
the  trade,  even  if  they  were  short  ones,  and  preferred  what  may 
be  called  the  rationing  of  work  and  wages. 



of  employers  and  employed  which  pledged  itself  to 
Charles  Macara's  proposal  at  the  end  of  1903  was  in 
telegraphic  communication  with  the  American  and 
European  spinners,  and  was  attended  by  a  repre- 
sentative of  the  French  trade,  and  so  strong  was  the 
rapport  found  to  be  already  existing,  that  an  inter- 
national movement  of  the  cotton  trade  was  felt  to 
be  at  least  possible. 

An  appeal  to  the  English  Government  to  call  an 
assembly  of  the  cotton  spinners  of  all  countries  to 
discuss  the  difficulties  of  the  trade,  met  with  a  good 
deal  of  departmental  sympathy  but  no  practical 
response,  and  in  March,  1904,  the  Employers' 
Federation  of  Lancashire,  acting  with  the 
Swiss  Association  —  the  two  bodies  represent- 
ing the  whale  and  an  exceedingly  gallant 
minnow  in  these  waters  —  summoned  an  inter- 
national congress.  Switzerland  not  only  joined 
in  convening  the  assembly,  but  acted  as  its 
host.  The  congress  met  at  Zurich  on  May  23rd, 
1904,  and  out  of  its  deliberations  grew  the  Inter- 
national Federation  of  Master  Cotton  Spinners' 
and  Manufacturers'  Associations,  which  was  for- 
mally established  at  a  second  congress  in  Man- 



Chester  in  1905.  Lancashire,  although  by  far  the 
largest  interest  included  in  the  Federation,  wisely 
abstained  from  every  attempt  to  count  for  too  much 
in  its  management.  The  annual  conferences  which 
followed  were  held  at  Bremen,  Vienna,  Paris,  Milan, 
Brussels,  Barcelona,  and  the  Hague,  and  the  com- 
mittee met  twice  a  year  in  some  central  city  of 
Europe.  Manchester  gave  the  Federation  its  home 
and  headquarters,  and  it  is  not  too  much  to  say  that 
in  Charles  Macara,  who  was  elected  President  in 
1904,  and  held  the  office  till  1915,  it  gave  the  move- 
ment life  and  soul. 

Every  question  affecting  the  cotton  industry, 
except  the  labour  question,  came  before  these  annual 
meetings  of  the  International  Federation.  It  was, 
however,  called  into  existence  by  the  crisis  of  1904, 
and  until  1914,  when  the  floor  fell  out  of  these 
international  structures,  its  best  mind  went  into 
projects  for  widening  the  world's  harvest  of  cotton. 
Accordingly,  we  find  it  encouraging  and  superin- 
tending in  the  tropical  colonies  of  European 
countries  the  work  which  was  being  done  in  English 
colonies  by  the  British  Cotton  Growing  Association.1 
On  India  the  Federation  made  a  lasting  mark.  The 

i.   Vide  Appendix  C,  p.   233  et  aeq. 


Indian  cotton  crop  is  degenerate.     It  was  the  source 
of  the  priceless  Indian  hand-woven  muslins,  and  a 
pound's    weight    of    the    yarn    from    which    these 
fabrics  were   produced   has   been   estimated   to   be 
two  hundred    and   forty    miles  long.       Indifferent 
cultivation  has  cost  it  all  this  eminence  of  quality, 
and   it   is   now   the   characteristically   short-stapled 
cotton  of  the  world,  though,  as  such,  it  serves  very 
largely  on  the  continent  of  Europe  for  the  manufac- 
ture of  rough  and  ready  goods,  and  performs  the 
valuable  economic  function  of  relieving  the  pressure 
on  the  American  crop.     The  activities  of  the  Inter- 
national   Federation  lifted    the    Indian    crop   from 
three  million  to  nearly  six  million  bales,  and  an 
important  project  for  the  planting  of  American  and 
Egyptian  seed  on  a  large  tract  of  irrigated  land  in 
India    had    advanced    considerably    when    it    was 
temporarily  set  back  by  the  outbreak  of  war.1 

The  International  Federation  did  much  to 
improve  the  cultivation  of  cotton  in  America  and 
to  civilise  the  American  cotton  bale.  It  was  the 
characteristic  of  the  American  cotton  bale  that  it 
never  seemed  to  get  properly  out  of  bed  in  the 
morning.  A  most  ungroomed  and  down-at-heel 

i.  Vide  Appendix  D,  p.  249  et  seq. 


object  of  commerce,  it  loafed  and  loitered  away 
many  misdirected  hours  in  shanties  and  on  quay 
sides,  and  showed  up  in  England  at  an  advanced 
hour  of  day  still  in  the  same  convalescence  of 
slippers  and  dressing  gown.  The  whole  cotton 
growing  industry  of  America  was  suffering  from 
this  Bohemianism,  and  inattention  to  small  things 
was  beginning  to  count,  as  it  will,  in  the  large  result. 
The  yield  acre  by  acre  was  steadily  declining,  and 
American  cotton  might  have  gone  the  way  of  Indian 
had  not  a  Private  Investigation  Commission 
organised  by  Charles  Macara  visited  the  Southern 
States  in  1906  at  the  time  of  planting,  and  again 
at  the  time  of  picking,  and  made  many 
suggestions  as  to  the  treatment  of  soil  and  the 
selection  of  seed,  startling  the  dilettanti  with  prosaic 
recommendations  about  bringing  the  gathered 
cotton  in  out  of  the  rain.  The  advice  had  the 
unusual  experience  of  being  taken.  Charles 
Macara,  leading  another  international  delegation  to 
America l  in  the  following  year,  was  surprised, 
accustomed  as  he  was  to  the  majestic  deliberation 

with  which  English  officialism  proceeds  from  know- 

1.  This  delegation  travelled  4,600  miles  in  a   special  train 
through  the  cotton  growing  States. 



ing  about  a  thing  to  doing  it,  to  find  experimental 
farms  already  set  up  and  spreading  knowledge,  and 
large  warehouses  erected  for  the  proper  storage  of 

The  International  Cotton  Federation  had  a  sister 
in  the  service  of  agriculture.  It  was  drawn  into 
relationship  with  the  International  Institute  of 
Agriculture  partly  because  cotton,  like  wheat,  is  an 
annual  harvest,  and  the  fortunes  of  all  who  live 
by  it  rest  ultimately  with  the  seed  which  falls  into 
the  ground  and  dies,  and  partly  because  Charles 
Macara,  while  he  gave  life  to  the  one,  saved  it  to  the 
other.  In  the  early  years  of  the  present  century 
David  Lubin,  an  American  citizen,  travelled  the 
world  with  an  important  scheme  for  setting  up  an 
observation  post  from  which  all  the  harvests  of  the 
world  could  be  surveyed  and  signalled,  bad  results 
here  be  set  off  against  good  results  there,  and  all 
the  growing  fields  of  earth  put,  so  to  speak,  under  a 
single  stewardship.  The  main  object  was  to  thwart 
the  speculator  who  thrives  on  the  kind  of  ignorance 
which  David  Lubin's  scheme  was  to  dispel.  It  was 
intended  to  give  the  world  eyes  in  the  back  of  its 




After     much     journeying     to     and     fro,     David 
Lubin  got  a  hearing  from  the  King  of  Italy,  who 
called  together  the  governments  of   the   world  to 
consider   the   scheme    in   a    Conference   at    Rome. 
The  Conference  was  a  success,  but  a  work  of  this 
kind,    being   everybody's    business    and    therefore 
nobody's,  depending  on  a  large  number  of  people 
willing  the  same  thing  at  the  same  time,  and  doing 
it,  no  sooner  gets  afloat  than  it  gets  becalmed.     It 
overcomes  mere  obstruction,  but  perishes  of  inertia. 
It  gets  mislaid  in  pigeon-holes,  and  David  Lubin 's 
scheme   was   dying   of   asphyxia   when    its   author 
sought  out  Charles  Macara  in  Manchester.     Full  of 
sympathy  for  a  brother  organiser  in  distress,  full 
of    the    idea    itself,    he    went    to    London    in    the 
interests  of  the  scheme,   saw  one  of  the   English 
officials  who  had  been  to   Rome,  and  so  worked 
upon    him   that   he   modulated   his  advice    to    the 
English  Government  out  of  the  minor  into  the  major 
key,  and  ended  his  report,  as  he  had  not  begun  it, 
with  an  imperative  "yes."     Having  convinced  the 
English  Government  he  went  on  to  Paris  and  con- 
vinced the  French  Government,  and  hurried  back  to 
London  to  keep  Whitehall  up  to  the  sticking  point. 





It  was  the  saving  of  David  Lubin's  scheme.  The 
international  Institute  of  Agriculture  was  set  up  in 
Rome.  Alone,  or  almost  alone,  among  the  appliances 
for  the  peace  of  the  world  it  has  had  the  distinction 
of  surviving  even  the  European  War.  Its  bulletins 
continue  to  supply  invaluable  information. 

The  International  Cotton  Federation  enjoyed  a 
considerable  social  prestige.  It  was  received  every- 
where. Charles  Macara  and  the  members  of  the 
International  Committee  talked  business  not  only 
with  Ministers  of  State,  but  in  all  the  palaces  of 
Europe — with  King  Edward  at  Windsor ;  with  the 
German  Emperor  on  board  his  yacht  in  Kiel 
Harbour ;  with  the  Emperor  of  Austria  in  Vienna ; 
with  the  King  of  Haly  in  Rome ;  with  the  King 
of  the  Belgians  in  Brussels ;  with  the  President  of  the 
Provisional  Government  of  Portugal  in  Lisbon  ;  with 
the  King  of  Spain  in  Madrid ;  with  the  Queen  of  the 
Netherlands  at  the  Royal  Palace  of  Loo ;  and  with 
Presidents  Loubet,  Fallieres,  and  Poincar£  at  the 
Elys£e,  Paris;  with  the  Khedive  of  Egypt  and 
Lord  Kitchener1  away  at  the  outposts  of  the 
empire,  and  with  the  Governors  of  the  Cotton  States 

i.  Vide  Appendix  C,  p.  239  tt  stq.,  »nd  H,  p.  327  et  teg. 


of  America.  They  talked  cotton,  and  above  all  they 
talked  peace.  Never  for  a  moment  did  Charles 
Macara  unhitch  his  waggon  from  that  beckoning 
star,  or  lose  the  faith  which  was  so  strong  in  earlier 
Manchester  that  commerce  must  ultimately  civilise 
and  pacify  the  earth.  Since  these  conversations  the 
world  has  gone  the  other  w&y,  but  it  will  return  to 
the  appointed  path,  and  the  work  of  internationalis- 
ing Europe  will  be  the  easier  for  these  first  attempts. 
The  channels  have  been  dug,  and  habit  will  find 
them  and  run  in  them  again.  Habit — even  long 
intermitted  habit — always  does. 


War  :   Cotton  Reserve. 

Cotton  as  Contraband. 
National  Register. 



THE     International    Cotton     Federation    and    the 

Industrial  Council  were  Charles  Macara's  chief  con- 
tributions—  larger  and  more  practical  contributions 
than  most  men  have  the  good  fortune  to  make — to 
the  ideas  and  institutions  of  his  age.  But  the  whole 
of  his  Presidency  of  the  English  Master  Cotton 
Spinners'  Federation  was  a  gift  not  only  to  Lanca- 
shire, but  to  society  at  large.  It  was  a  totally  new 
efBore|cence.  He  had  shaped  a  new  type 
of  career,  and  almost,  we  might  say,  lived  a 
new  kind  of  life.  Success  in  business  is  liable  in 
England  to  two  processes  of  degeneration.  It 
either  remains  an  affair  of  mere  accumulation  and 
becomes  stagnant,  or  it  is  run  off  into  the  futilities 
of  sport  or  party  politics,  feeling  its  sandy  way,  if  it 
takes  the  latter  course,  through  interminable  division 
lobbies  to  final  evaporation  in  the  House  of  Lords. 
Charles  Macara  made  business  a  public  career.  He 
moralised  it,  and  made  it  stand  before  kings.  His 
room  in  York  Street,  Manchester,  was  not  only  the 



wheel-house  from  which  a  large  private  enterprise 
was  navigated,  but  more  and  more  as  his  own  busi- 
ness answered  the  lightest  touch  of  the  helm,  it 
became  the  workshop  of  a  public  economist.  At 
the  most  critical  moments  in  the  history  of  the 
cotton  trade  he  was  freely  accessible  to  the  press; 
calling  the  needy  journalist  in ;  instructing  him  in 
technical  processes ;  inculcating  his  favourite  theory 
of  the  inter-dependence  of  industry;  rejoicing  greatly 
over  every  ounce  of  this  teaching  which  percolated 
into  print ;  sorrowing,  as  those  that  are  without  hope, 
over  the  failure  of  the  London  press  to  understand 
cotton.  Himself,  he  pamphleteered  and  indoctri- 
nated without  ceasing,  preferred  voluntary  work 
to  any  of  the  number  of  directorates  he  might  have 
had,  and  not  only  thought  out  in  principle,  but 
carried  through  in  detail,  scheme  after  scheme  for 
organising  industrial  England,  and  bringing  men, 
in  one  of  his  own  favourite  phrases,  "  into  line." 

This  organising  activity  made  itself  felt  chiefly  in 
the  relations  between  Lancashire  and  the  outside 
world,  and,  within  Lancashire,  in  the  relations 
between  masters  and  men.  But  it  had  other  mani- 
festations. The  Cotton  Employers'  Parliamentary 



Association  was  formed  in  1899  to  consider  Acts  of 
Parliament  affecting  the  cotton  industry.  It  was 
the  counterpart  on  the  employers'  side  to  the  United 
Textile  Factory  Workers'  Association  on  the  side 
of  the  operatives,  and  it  was  the  combination  of 
these  two  bodies  which  intervened  in  1903  with  such 
decisive  results  in  the  fiscal  controversy  raised  by 
Mr.  Chamberlain.  Charles  Macara  presided  at 
the  joint  conference  in  which  the  two  bodies  spoke 
the  mind  of  the  cotton  trade,  and,  keeping  the  agita- 
tion then  lighted  at  white  heat,  made  himself  per- 
haps the  most  powerful  opponent  of  Tariff  Reform 
outside  Parliament.1  In  the  three  controversial  years 
which  followed,  the  name  "  Macara  "  became  an 
argument,  if  not  a  clincher  in  itself,  and  could  be 
heard  employed  in  that  capacity  in  any  railway 
carriage  or  smoking  cafe*  in  Lancashire.2 

Larger  in  its  scope,  if  not  so  decisive  in  its  results, 
was     the    Employers'     Parliamentary    Association 

1.  Vide  Appendix  F,  p.  289  et  seq. 

2.  Speaking  at  Bolton  at  the  height  of  the  Tariff  Reform  Con- 
troversy,   Sir  Henry    Campbell   Bannerman    said :    "I    have   some 
words  here  which  I  have  reserved  to  the  very  close  of  my  remarks, 
in  order   to  give   more   emphasis   to   them.     They    are   the   words 
which  were  used  by  a  friend  of  mine,  Mr.   Macara,  President  of 
the  Cotton  Employers'  Federation.       He  said  :   '  It  may,   I  think, 
be    taken    that   intelligent    and    fostering    legislation,    harmonious 
relationship   between    capital    and    labour,    enterprise    to    secure    a 



which  grew  out  of  his  profound  discontent  with  the 
details  of  the  Insurance  Act.  In  the  hope  of  post- 
poning the  operation  of  that  Act,1  he  organised  a 
deputation  to  the  Prime  Minister  which  represented 
two  thousand  millions  of  capital.2  The  deputation 
was  refused  a  hearing.3  The  Employers'  Parlia- 
mentary Association  was  formed  to  give  industry 
and  commerce  ana  the  managing  mind  generally 
their  due  weight  in  public  affairs.  The  Association 
was  a  success.  It  attracted  to  itself  forty  Employers' 
Federations  and  Associations,  and  a  great  number 

plentiful  supply  of  raw  material,  energy,  ability,  and  skill  on  the 
part  of  both  employers  and  workpeople,  and  economy  in  the  cost 
of  production,  are  the  main  factors  that  will  enable  us  to  continue 
to  secure  a  fair  share  of  the  world's  trade.  I  venture  to  express 
the  opinion,  at  all  events,  that  these  conditions  form  the  most 
secure  basis  any  great  commercial  nation  can  rest  upon  which  is 
dependent  upon  foreign  trade  for  such  a  large  proportion  of  its 
employment.'" — Times  October  i6th,  1903. 

1.  One  of  the  provisions  of  the  Act  was  that  its  operation  could 
be  postponed  for  six  months. 

2.  Charles    Macara    presided    over    the    largest    protest    meeting 
held  in  Manchester,  and  as  it  was  impossible  to  find  any  hall  large 
enough  to  accommodate  the   whole  of  those  who  wished   to  take 
part  in  it,  he  asked  for  signatures  to  the  protest,  18,000,  embracing 
the   names   of   many   leading   firms  in   the   north  of  England,   the 
midland   counties,    and  in   the  north  of  Ireland,   being  secured  in 
four  days. 

3.  The  working  of  the  Act  has  proved  that  many  of  the  fears 
which  it  excited  were  well  founded,  and  a  Committee  of  Investiga- 
tion was  appointed  (1916)  on  which  Charles  Macara  was  requested 
to    serve,   but,    being   unable    to   do    so,    he   nominated   Mr.    John 
Haworth,  the  Secretary  of  the  Employers'  Parliamentary  Associa- 
tion, to  act  in  his  place. 



of  important  firms  which  still  stood  alone  in  the 
increasingly  severe  industrial  and  financial  weather 
of  the  times,  and  thus  constituted,  it  concerned  itself 
actively  in  the  legislation  and  science  of  industry. 

For  some  five  years  Charles  Macara  carried  the 
day  to  day  work  of  the  Association  on  his  own 
shoulders,  and  retired  from  his  office  of  President 
early  in  1917  on  the  ground  that  the  Association  in 
the  process  of  amalgamating-  itself  with  another 
body  of  the  same  character  was  shifting  from  the 
democratic  basis  on  which  it  had  been  built  up.1 

In  1911  Charles  Macara  was  created  a  baronet 
of  the  United  Kingdom.  Three  years  before — in 
1908 — France  had  given  him,  as  the  founder  of  the 
International  Cotton  Federation,  the  Legion  of 
Honour,  the  Consul-General  of  the  Republic  in  the 

i.  Firms  and  associations  of  firms  were  to  be  eligible  for 
membership  of  the  new  body  on  a  flat  rate  payment  of  £100  a 
year  for  three  years.  Charles  Macara  was  in  favour  of  levies  on 
members  pro  rata,  but  as  the  majority  decided  in  favour  of  the 
flat  rate,  he  declined  to  accept  further  responsibility  for  the 
management  of  the  Association.  The  five  Annual  Reports  of  the 
Employers'  Parliamentary  Association  show  the  magnitude  and 
importance  of  its  work.  The  last  report,  issued  in  January,  1917, 
dealt  with  industrial  unrest,  industry  and  finance,  alien  indebted- 
ness, scientific  research,  patents,  transport  facilities,  a  ministry  of 
commerce,  the  National  Insurance  Act,  federation  of  British 
industries,  etc. 


West  of  England  investing  him  with  the  Order  in 
the  Manchester  Town  Hall.  In  the  same  year  he  was 
presented  with  an  address  by  the  representatives  of 
fifteen  nationalities.1  In  the  travels  of  the  Federa- 
tion throughout  Europe  he  received  decora- 
tions from  Belgium,  Spain,  Germany  and  Italy  ;  and 
an  acknowledgment  of  his  work  from  the  United 
States  of  America.  The  baronetcy  met  with  the  full 
approval  of  Lancashire,  and  it  is  significant  that  the 
congratulations  of  the  cotton  trade  came  both  from 
employers  and  employed.  The  Employers'  Federa- 
tion, in  a  resolution  adopted  on  January  6th, 
1911,  referred  to  "untiring  and  devoted  ser- 
vices rendered  so  willingly  and  cheerfully  to  the 
cotton  industry,  not  of  this  country  only,  but  of  the 
entire  cotton-using  world,"  and  to  "  devoted  labours 
on  behalf  of  international  peace  and  goodwill," 
while  the  Secretaries  of  the  two  great  trade  unions 
of  South-east  Lancashire — that  of  the  Cardroom 
workers  and  that  of  the  Operative  Spinners — wrote 
warm  personal  letters,  and  forwarded  the  good 
wishes  of  their  members.  The  Operative  Spinners 
afterwards  framed  their  congratulations  to  Sir 

i.  Vide  Appendix  C,  245  tt  seq. 


Charles  and  Lady  Macara  in  an  illuminated  address. 
In  presenting  this  address,  Mr.  Thomas  Ashton, 
the  veteran  President,  spoke  of  the  belief  which  the 
cotton  operatives  generally,  no  less  than  their 
leaders  had  in  Sir  Charles  Macara's  fairness  of 
mind.  "  We  have  always  found  him  striving  to 
be  just,  to  hold  the  balance  evenly  between  em- 
ployers and  employed,  and  to  promote  those  peaceful 
relations  which  are  so  essential  to  the  welfare  of  the 
cotton  industry."  l 

But  the  world  was  coming  to  the  parting  of  the 
ways.  August  4th,  1914,  was  at  hand.  The  great 
dividing  line  in  time  behind  which  the  old  world 
seems  even  now  antediluvial  was  about  to  be  drawn. 
To  Sir  Charles  Macara,  as,  indeed,  to  everyone  who 
had  cherished  and  promoted  large  public  objects, 
the  war  came  as  a  great  disolvent.  Within 
a  few  days  of  its  outbreak  he,  already  visited 
by  two  representatives  of  the  Government,  was 
actively  assisting  in  that  financial  clearing  of 
decks  and  fastening  of  hatches  which  was  the 

i.  It  was  in  receiving  this  address  that  Sir  Charles  Macara 
lamented  that  no  monument  had  been  erected  in  Lancashire  to 
James  Mawdesley,  perhaps  the  greatest  figure  which  the  trade 
unionism  of  the  county  has  produced. 



need  of  the  moment,  and,  the  first  crisis  being  safely 
passed,  and  the  Liverpool  Cotton  Market  temporarily 
closed,  he  offered  his  gratuitous  services  to  any 
department  of  the  Government  which  cared  to  call 
for  them.  In  the  first  winter  of  the  war  a  difference 
of  opinion  with  the  Cotton  Employers'  Federation 
on  the  strategical  management  of  the  world's  cotton 
supply  brought  to  an  end,  after  a  twenty-one  years' 
eventful  history,  his  headship  of  that  great  body.  He 
preferred  to  retain  his  liberty  of  action  during  the 
national  crisis.  The  following  year — 1915 — he 
retired  also  from  the  presidency  of  the  Inter- 
national Federation,  the  work  of  which  was 
practically  suspended  by  the  war.  The  war 
was,  however,  the  occasion  of  all  occasions 
for  the  use  of  an  organising  faculty  like  his. 
Almost  as  important  in  August,  1914,  as  the 
despatch  of  the  expeditionary  force  was  the 
industrial  mobilisation  of  England.  Two  adminis- 
trative achievements  of  the  highest  workmanship, 
swiftly,  silently  and  strongly  done,  were,  as  we  shall 
see,  among  the  results  of  his  offer  of  service  to  the 
Government.  But  larger  and  more  momentous  than 

the   things    which   he   did    was   one   other    thing 


which  he  wanted  to  do.  He  offered  England 
a  plan  to  secure  all  the  strategical  advantages  of 
making  cotton  contraband  while  avoiding  all  the 
inconveniences  which  attended  and  for  a  long  time 
effectually  prevented  that  course.  For  the  first 
twelve  months  of  the  war,  German  textile  machinery 
ran  without  interruption.  Though  this  was  felt 
to  be  the  very  negation  of  our  supremacy  at  sea, 
the  Government  considered  itself  unable  to  risk  the 
results  on  neutral  opinion  which  would  have  been 
taken  by  declaring  cotton  contraband  of  war.  The 
German  cotton  mills  accordingly  continued  to  run. 
and  it  was  not  until  scientific  evidence  was  produced 
and  made  public  as  to  the  double  life  which  cotton 
lives  in  this  world — the  Jekyll  of  towels  and  sheetings 
and  the  Hyde  of  propulsive  explosives — that  the 
English  Government  considered  itself  to  have  a 
case  on  which  it  could  act  without  the  risk  of  com- 
plications. Sir  Charles  Macara  presided  at  a  great 
meeting  at  the  Queen's  Hall,  London,  in  August, 
1915.  He  concluded  his  speech  in  the  following 
words :  — 

"  Allow  me  to  quote  from  an  article  which  I  con- 
tributed to  the  September  (1914)  number    of    the 



"  Financial  Review  of  Reviews,"  which  was  sent 
to  the  members  of  the  Cabinet,  and  was  widely 
circulated  and  quoted  from."  In  that  article  I 
wrote  : — 

"  I  will  assume  that  we  do  neither  unexpectedly 
well  nor  unexpectedly  ill,  but  continue  making 
steady  progress,  suffering  checks  perhaps  from 
time  to  time,  but  on  the  whole  maintaining  and 
consolidating  our  mastery  of  the  sea.  On  this 
assumption  the  outlook,  although  serious,  can, 
in  my  opinion,  be  faced  with  equanimity  if  only 
the  various  interests  affected — industrial,  com- 
mercial, financial,  scientific,  transport,  and  labour 
— assisted  by  the  Government,  present  a  united 
front  to  the  common  danger. 

"  The  great  increase  of  population  during  the 
period  that  has  elapsed  since  the  Franco-German 
war,  the  enormous  development  of  industry  and 
commerce,  and  the  intricacies  of  international 
finance,  are  factors  which  I  think  cannot  have 
been  fully  realised  by  those  who  are  responsible 
for  bringing  about  the  clash  of  arms  on  the 
gigantic  scale  of  modern  warfare.  Not  only  have 

these  millions  of  armed  men  to  be  fed  and  other- 


wise  provided  for,  but  perhaps  the  more  difficult 
task  is  the  provision  for  the  many  millions  who 
are  as  a  consequence  of  the  war  deprived  of  work 
and  the  means  of  livelihood.  Any  nation  engaged 
in  the  present  conflict  that  does  not  prepare  to  face 
both  these  contingencies  is  courting  disaster.  .  .  . 
I  am  more  convinced  than  ever  that  interference 
with  the  supply  of  food  and  clothing  will  be  the 
prime  factor  in  bringing  the  present  colossal  war 
to  an  end." 

"  Speaking  now,  after  twelve  months'  experience 
of  the  war,  I  feel  it  is  an  absolute  necessity  that  well- 
considered,  strong  measures  must  be  carried  out 
which  will  have  the  effect  of  preventing  cotton 
reaching  enemy  countries,  while,  at  the  same  time, 
acting  fairly  in  the  interests  of  neutral  countries, 
and  safeguarding  the  future  welfare  of  a  great  inter- 
national industry." 

Sir  William  Ramsay,  the  eminent  scientist,  at  this 
meeting  testified  to  what  he  knew  about  cotton,  and 
a  resolution1  was  carried  unanimously  calling 

1.  "  That  His  Majesty's  Prime  Minister 'be  informed  that  in  the 
opinion  of  this  meeting  the  protection  of  the  interests  of  the 
Empire  and  its  Allies  would  be  best  secured  by  an  immediate 
declaration  that  Cotton  is  Contraband  of  War,  and  that  the  neces- 
sary steps  should  be  taken  to  protect  the  interests  of  neutrals, 
both  growers  and  consumers." 



on  the  Government  to  make  it  absolute  contra- 
band of  war.  Shortly  afterwards  this  was  done, 
and  the  textile  mills  in  Germany  and  Austria  began 
to  close  down. 

But  this  was  not  and  never  had  been  Sir  Charles 
Macara's  way.  His  plan  constructed  more  than  it 
destroyed.  It  contemplated  at  once  the  discomfiture 
of  Germany  and  Austria,  and  the  edification,  outside 
these  countries,  of  the  whole  trade  of  growing  and 
spinning  cotton.  The  plan  depended  on  the 
existence  of  certain  statistics  tabulated  by  the 
International  Cotton  Federation,  and  disclosing 
where  and  in  what  quantities  the  world's  cotton 
supply  was  grown  ;  where  and  in  what  quanti- 
ties it  was  consumed.  This  great  statistical 
structure  was  not  yet  complete,  but  it  had 
advanced  sufficiently  to  indicate  precisely  the 
normal  consumption  of  raw  cotton  by  each  neutral 
country,  and  it  was  the  beginning  of  the  plan  that 
each  neutral  country  should  be  rationed  with  its  own 
average  consumption  on  its  own  showing. 

The  beginning,  but  not  the  end  !  Still  more 
to  the  point,  the  figures  collected  by  the  Inter- 
national Federation  disclosed  the  amount  of 

1 66 


raw  cotton  which  had  been  normally  used  by 
Germany  and  Austria.  Sir  Charles  Macara 
perceived  that  the  sudden  death  of  this  great 
consuming  appetite  would  react  violently  on  the 
economics  of  the  trade,  causing  firstly  a  sharp  fall 
in  prices,  which  would  probably  be  followed,  as  the 
acreage  under  cotton  was  reduced,  by  an  equally 
sharp  rise.  These  things  happened  as  he  had 
predicted,  in  their  order,  and  in  September,  1916, 
cotton,  which  had,  at  the  outbreak  of  war,  fallen 
from  7^d.  to  4d.  per  pound,  was  selling  at  tenpencet 
and  in  1917  at  considerably  over  double  that  price- 
It  was  the  second  and  more  constructive  part  of 
his  plan  that  the  cotton  normally  grown  and  shipped 
for  the  use  of  the  German  and  Austrian  trades 
should  still  be  grown,  but  should  be  used  to  form  a 
cotton  reserve.  Raw  cotton,  when  properly  packed, 
is  storable  for  years.  The  plan  was  to  store  this 
portion  of  the  supply ;  to  steady  the  market  during 
the  period  of  the  war,  and  perhaps  to  learn  from 
the  war  a  lesson  which  would  prove  fruitful  even 
in  the  days  of  peace,  the  greatest  need  of  the  cotton 
trade  being  some  plan  by  which  the  good  harvest 

of  one  year  may  be  set  against  the  bad  harvest  of 



another.  Sir  Charles  Macara  pressed  the  plan  upon 
the  Government  early  in  the  war.  It  is  possible  to 
speculate  how  far,  by  multiplying  the  immediate 
embarrassments  of  the  German  people,  it  might  have 
helped  to  shorten  the  agonies  of  Europe.  But  it 
was  not  adopted,  and  the  speculation  is  now  vain. 

In  the  taking  of  the  National  Register  he 
had  more  of  his  own  way.  Faced  with  the 
problem  of  raising  an  enormous  new  army,  the 
English  Government  proceeded  to  raise  it  by  the  true 
English  method  of  "muddling  through,"  the  delicate 
considerations  which  properly  arose  of  a  man's 
training  and  temperament  and  his  proper  function 
in  the  State — whether  of  arms  in  the  field,  or  indus- 
try and  perhaps  invention  in  the  workshop — being 
settled  much  as  a  bull  takes  its  decisions  among  the 
valuables  in  a  china  shop.  The  sea  was  not  so 
much  netted  for  men  as  dredged.  Some  who 
ought  to  have  gone  stayed  at  home ;  many  whose 
duty  was  at  home  went,  and  no  thought 
whatever  was  spared  for  industries  which,  walking 
in  the  paths  of  peace  and  fabricating  neither  shot 
nor  shell,  suddenly  became  belligerent  as  maintain- 
ing England's  exports,  and,  with  her  exports,  her 



credit  abroad.  In  order  that  the  fishing  might  be 
equipped  with  a  mesh  that  would  take  the  suitable 
life  and  release  that  which  was  unsuitable,  Sir 
Charles  Macara  came  forward  in  May,  1915,  with  a 
scheme  for  national  registration,  by  which  England 
was  to  look  into  herself,  weigh,  and,  having 
weighed,  analyse  her  human  resources,  and  thus 
spend  her  strength  on  some  intelligible  plan. 

The  scheme  was  taken  as  the  basis  of  the  National 
Registration  Bill  afterwards  introduced  and  carried 
by  Mr.  Walter  Long,  the  President  of  the 
Local  Government  Board.  There  remained  the  im- 
portant work  of  taking  the  register.  Had  it  been 
decided  on  a  little  later  in  our  war  history  there  can 
be  little  doubt  that  a  towering  and  expensive 
department  would  have  been  created  ad  hoc.  The 
orgy  of  departmentalisation  which  was  afterwards 
to  cover  most  of  Whitehall  with  the  pavilions  of 
vain  repetition,  and  to  turn  thousands  of  visitors 
to  London  out  of  their  bedrooms  to  make  space  for 
batteries  of  new  typewriters,  had  not  yet  set  in.  Sir 
Charles  Macara  proposed  nothing  more  fanciful 
than  that  the  two  thousand  municipalities,  already 

in  full  working  order,  each  one  knowing-  its  own 



district  and  its  own  people,  should  take  the  register. 
Though  he  had  stipulated  himself  against  serving 
on  Committees — one  of  the  most  ingenious  ways 
of  wasting  time  known  to  self -deceiving  man — he 
consented,  at  Mr.  Long's  request,  to  join  the  small 
committee  which  was  formed  to  superintend  the 
process.  The  municipalities  were  accordingly  set 
to  work  on  a  definite  plan  of  operations ;  voluntary 
workers  in  each  district  gave  a  few  evenings  to  the 
work,  and  the  register  was  taken  quickly,  smoothly 
and  without  fuss.  Some  twenty-seven  million  forms 
went  out  and  came  back,  and  the  work  was  finished 
before  the  country  quite  realised  that  it  had  begun.1 
During  the  South  African  War  he  had  thought  out 
and  offered  to  the  country  a  scheme  to  provide  for 
the  dependents  of  men  killed  or  incapacitated.  The 
Prince  of  Wales  was  to  have  been  at  the  head 
of  the  scheme  and  the  Lords  Lieutenant  and  the 
heads  of  the  municipalities  were  to  have  been  called 
in  to  operate  it.  All  the  branches  were  to  have  been 
associated  with  one  central  fund,  with  collection 
and  distribution  on  a  fixed  plan  to  prevent  over- 

i.   Vide    press    and    the    use    of    the    nation's    man    power,    as 
outlined  by  Sir  Auckland  Geddes,  Minister  of  National  Service. 



lapping.  This  scheme,  which,  by  this  time,  had 
passed  beyond  the  experimental  stage,  having  been 
successfully  used  in  connection  with  the  Lancashire 
Indian  Famine  Funds  1897  and  1900,  was  again 
submitted  when  the  Prince  of  Wales'  Fund  was 
started  in  the  early  days  of  the  European  War,  and 
many  authorities  regretted  that  it  was  not  the  one 
on  which  the  country  acted. 

In  the  early  part  of  1915  Sir  Charles  Macara  was 
requested  to  organise  the  supply  of  aircraft  cloth  for 
the  Admiralty,  a  work  which  required  not  only  a  wide 
knowledge  of  the  textile  trade,  but  the  highest 
technicalexpertness.  For  the  management  in  detail  of 
this  responsible  work  he  was  asked  to  select  his  own 
assistants,  who  were  given  rank  in  the  Royal  Naval 
Volunteer  Reserve,  and  very  soon  a  new  depart- 
ment was  in  perfect  working  order.  It  seemed 
obvious  that  the  agency  which  was  providing  cloth 
for  the  naval  air  service  should  provide  it  for  the 
sister  service  of  the  army.  It  would  have  been  a 
simple  case  of  more  steam  from  the  same  boiler. 
Sir  Charles  Macara  accordingly  suggested  that  air- 
craft cloth  should  be  collected  by  a  single  department 

and  distributed  by  this  department  among  all  the 



aircraft  services  of  England  and  the  Allies.  The 
Government  preferred,  however,  the  system  of  biting 
twice  at  the  same  cherry,  and  the  suggestion  was 
not  adopted. 

A  further  war  service  rendered  by  Sir  Charles 
Macara  took  the  form  of  an  important  intervention 
between  the  Government  and  the  large  Lancashire 
firms  of  textile  machinists  in  regard  to  the  terms 
for  the  manufacture  of  munitions.  The  Govern- 
ment terms  were  regarded  as  thoroughly  unsatis- 
factory. They  were  modified  as  the  result  of  this 
intervention  and  firms  employing  some  50,000  men 
fell  at  once  into  line. 

It  was  Sir  Charles  Macara's  complaint  against 
the  general  war  administration  of  England  that  it 
was  hydrocephalic ;  that  the  head  developed  at  the 
expense  of  the  members.  To  him  the  mobilisation 
of  England  presented  itself  not  as  a  case  for  new 
mechanism,  but  for  more  steam  from  the  old. 
More  and  more,  as  time  went  on,  Whitehall  seemed 
to  be  exactly  reversing  the  terms  of  the  proposition 
as  thus  stated,  the  signs  being  the  growth  of  new 
departments  like  the  growth  of  mushrooms,  the 



creation  of  a  great  sacred  college  of  controllers,  the 
multiplication  of  Parliamentary  Secretaries,  Under 
Secretaries,  and  nondescript  Secretaries,  until  they 
constituted  an  impressive  public  meeting  in  them- 
selves, and  the  approach  by  rapid  strides  of  the  time 
when  everybody  was  to  live  by  taking  in  everybody 
else's  washing.  Much  of  the  machinery  thus 
created,  notably  the  machinery  for  organising 
national  service,  raced  prodigiously,  but  never 
gripped ;  the  screws  revolved,  but  not  in  the  water. 
Sir  Charles  Macara  had  got  the  National  Register 
out  of  the  well-oiled  wheels  of  the  English  munici- 
palities, and,  on  the  same  principle,  he  pointed  out 
constantly  in  the  press  that  England  abounded  in 
organisations,  each  one  more  or  less  perfect  in  its 
own  drill,  and  only  needing  the  order  to  march  and 
quicken  the  pace.  Labour  was  organised ;  capital 
also ;  labour  and  capital  were  organised  together  in 
the  Industrial  Council.  Finance,  transport  and 
science,  each  one  of  these,  like  labour  and  capital, 
was  a  corporate  personality  capable  of  being  fetched. 
It  was  his  plan  to  fetch  them.  Very  largely  rejected 
in  England,  the  following  advice  was,  at  the  request 
of  the  American  press,  forwarded  to  the  United 


States  for  publication  in  the  event  of  that  country 

declaring  war  :  — 

"  My  advice  to  America  is — rather  use  the 
organisations  already  existing  in  the  framework 
of  peace,  than  attempt  to  create  new  ones.  One 
of  the  bodies  we  should  have  used  for  this  purpose 
here  was  the  Industrial  Council.  It  consisted  of 
the  trusted  leaders  of  capital  and  labour;  it  was 
already  a  working  mechanism,  and  capable, 
therefore,  of  dealing  powerfully  and  promptly 
with  the  great  questions  of  employment  that 
arise  with  the  outbreak  of  a  war.  In  the 
same  way  I  suggested  that  the  municipalities 
should  take  and  tabulate  the  National  Register, 
and  the  speed,  precision  and  economy  with  which 
that  work  was  done,  proved  the  soundness  of 
the  plan.  By  giving  definite  instructions  to 
our  two  thousand  municipalities,  it  was  just  as 
easy  to  organise  the  whole  country  as  to  organise 
one  city. 

"  In  other  particulars  the  English  Government 
has  failed  to  take  this  advice.  New  departments 
have  been  created  at  a  speed  and  on  a  scale  that 
has  begun,  in  these  later  days  of  war,  to  cause 
great  alarm  to  the  business  minds  of  the  com- 
munity. During  recent  months  especially,  every 
week  has  seen  some  great  public  building  or 


hotel  cleared  for  the  accommodation  of  some  new 
department  of  state,  which  proceeds  first  to  get 
itself  into  working  order,  and  then — after  an 
interval — to  get  to  work.  Such  departments  are  a 
hindrance  rather  than  a  help  in  time  of  war,  and 
will  be  a  serious  embarrassment  in  times  of  peace. 
"  In  every  highly  developed  civilisation,  almost 
every  great  interest  will  be  found  to  be  already 
organised.  Labour,  capital,  finance,  transporta- 
tion, science,  each  of  these  organisations  should 
be  put  on  a  war  footing  and  called  on  for  its 
special  war  work.  When  this  has  been  done,  all 
of  them  should  be  knit  into  one  strong  and  sensi- 
tive entity,  and  the  whole  nation  will  thus  be 
efficiently  at  war.  To  employ  the  tried  brain, 
and  the  well-oiled  wheels,  is  my  advice  to  America. 
The  war  has  definitely  proved  the  commercial 
and  industrial  adaptability  of  women.  But  they 
would  have  done  much  more  here  if  there  had 
been  proper  organisation  when  the  great  migra- 
tion of  women  into  commerce  and  industry  began. 
The  rush  was  not  anticipated  nor  directed. 
Women  were  allowed  to  drift  into  occupations 
largely  as  they  liked,  a  state  of  things  not  at  all 
necessary,  seeing  that  in  the  National  Register 
the  country  had  an  inventory  of  its  woman 



"  It  is  on  the  necessity  for  national  organisation 
that  I  would  insist  first  and  last — not  organisation 
for  the  sake  of  organisation,  but  for  the  sake  of 
work.  Accordingly,  I  earnestly  counsel  you,  at 
the  end,  as  at  the  beginning,  to  make  full  use 
of  the  means  which  your  country  has  ready  for 
use  and  nearest  to  hand.  My  experience  has 
always  been  that  in  great  movements  the  best 
work  is  done  with  the  aid  of  a  small  but  efficient 

"  The  great  staple  industries  can  only  be  dealt 
with  by  the  organisations  of  capital  and  labour, 
although  minor  industries  might  be  dealt  with  by 
the  municipalities.  It  is  only  those  who  have 
had  to  deal  with  strikes  and  lockouts  in  great 
industries  who  can  understand  how  to  deal  with 
these  industries  in  emergencies.  I  have  never 
tired  of  telling  England  that  ordering  of  industry 
is  a  part  of  the  vital  strategy  of  war.  In  other 
words,  I  would  plead  with  your  government  to  let 
its  business  men  organise  the  nation's  industries 
on  a  national  scale.  And  I  would  plead  with 
business  men,  at  the  same  time,  to  offer  their 
services  freely  to  the  state  at  the  outset,  and  not 
when  heavy  losses  have  been  incurred.  The 
business  men  can  carry  the  nation  to  undreamed 
of  triumphs;  but  they  must  take  the  reins 



Rest  in  Change 
of  Work 

Lifeboat   Saturday,  etc. 



IT  was  in  1884  that  Charles  Macara  took  a 
house  at  St.  Anne's-on-the-Sea,  on  the  bluff  and 
beaten  Lancashire  coast.  St.  Anne's-on-the-Sea  was 
not  in  1884  the  polite  and  polished  esplanade  which 
it  has  since  become,  but  a  weather-beaten,  hard- 
bitten little  town,  with  the  sand  in  its  eyes  and  the 
sting  of  flying  spray  on  its  face,  with  the  star-grass 
like  a  crop  of  needles  in  the  drifts,  and  a  parliament 
of  blue-jerseyed  senators  who  looked  out  to  the  west 
and  considered  the  weather.  Thirteen  of  them 
afterwards  immortalised  themselves.  Born  almost 
within  the  sound  of  the  sea,  he  quickly  formed 
a  fast  friendship  with  this  breed  of  Lancashire 
fishermen,  and  the  friendship — of  Sir  Charles 
Macara  with  the  men  as  they  went  and  came, 
and  of  Lady  Macara  with  the  women,  who  neither 
went  nor  came,  but  only  waited — was  destined  to 
have  great  results  on  the  lives  of  all  who  live 
in  small  cottages  and  dry  their  nets  on  the  verge 

of   great    waters.       Sir    Charles    Macara,    then    in 



the  full  course  of  his  commercial  career,  went  to 
St.  Anne's-on-the-Sea  to  escape  from  life,  and 
instead  of  escaping  it  he  found  it.  He  chose  the 
place  as  a  retreat,  and  it  gave  him,  not  a  retreat, 
but  publicity,  a  cause,  a  mission,  a  baptism  in  public 
service,  and  one  of  the  severest  labours  of  a  severe 

Very  soon  after  his  arrival  in  St.  Anne's-on-the- 
Sea  he  began  to  take  part  in  the  practices  of  the  life- 
boat, and  out  of  the  brotherhood  which  he  thus 
formed  with  the  crew  arose  "Lifeboat  Saturday," 
and  a  great  opening  of  the  eyes  and  heart  of 
England.  But  not  until  after  the  awful  events  of 
December,  1886.  On  a  stormy  afternoon  early 
in  that  month,  five  men,  the  crew  of  a  small  steamer 
from  Montrose,  were  seen  from  the  shore  at  St. 
Anne's  clinging  to  the  mast  of  the  vessel  which 
had  gone  aground  on  Salter's  Bank.  The 
lifeboat  put  out  to  the  rescue,  and  after  many  hours 
of  labour  and  peril  returned  with  its  treasure.  The 
coxswain  and  sub-coxswain  of  the  lifeboat  were 
taken  to  Sir  Charles  Macara's  house,  and  from  there 
they  told  their  modest  story  by  telephone  to  the 

newspapers  in  Manchester.     Five  nights  later,  and 



in  the  gathered  fury  of  the  same  gale,  the  lifeboat 

was  called  out  again.  The  German  barque  '  Mexico,' 

bound  from  Hamburg  to  Liverpool,  was  aground  on 

the  treacherous  Horse  Bank,  in  the  estuary  of  the 

Ribble.     The  lifeboat  crews  of  Lytham,  Southport 

and  St.  Anne's  went  to  the  rescue.     The  St.  Anne's 

men,  fresh  from  their  recent  triumph  on  Salter's 

Bank,  were  in  high  spirits,  though  Charles  Tims, 

the   sub-coxswain,    a   fisherman   of   great   bravery, 

and  a  famous  man  on  that  coast,  seemed  to  hear 

in  the  gale  a  voice  which  he  had  not  heard  before. 

The  boat  never  came  back.     Its  single  light  was 

swallowed  up  in  victory,  and  only  an  unintelligible 

rocket  now  and  then  out  of  the  welter  of  the  night 

told  the  watchers  on  the  shore  that  there  was  still 

life,  but  of  whom  and  how  faring,  no  one  knew.     At 

dawn   the  wives  of  the   lifeboat   men   gathered   at 

Sir  Charles  Macara's  house.     There  was  still  no 

news,  but  when   the   morning  was   a   little   spent 

a  lifeboat  was  seen  struggling  towards  the  shore. 

It  was  the  Lytham  boat,  which  had  rescued  the  crew 

of  the  '  Mexico.'     A  horseman  rode  into  the  sea  to 

meet  her,  and  it  was  he  who  scattered  the  suspense 

and  spread  desolation  in  its  place.     The  Southport 



boat  and  the  boat  from  St.  Anne's  had  both 
capsized.  Of  the  Southport  crew  two  were  cast  up 
alive.  Not  a  man  of  the  St.  Anne's  crew  returned. 
The  wives  and  children  they  had  left  looked  up 
into  the  faces  of  Sir  Charles  and  Lady  Macara,  and 
they  did  not  look  up  in  vain.  They  were  friends 
at  court.  All  England  and  all  Europe  was 
made  to  ring  with  the  doings  of  that  night. 
In  less  than  a  fortnight  ,£33,000  was  collected  for 
the  relief  of  the  widows  and  the  fatherless,  and  their 
future  being  made  secure,  the  memory  of  the 
thirteen  lost  heroes  was  saved  to  future  ages  in  the 
chiselled  figure  which  looks  out  to  sea  from  the 
beach  at  St.  Anne's. 

It  was  this  event  which  caused  Sir  Charles  Macara 
to  look  closely  into  lifeboat  politics  and  finance. 
Examining  the  1890  report  of  the  Royal  National 
Lifeboat  Institution,  the  only  agency  of  its  kind  for 
saving  life  at  sea,  he  found  that  some  25,000  people 
only  out  of  our  many-millioned  island  race  were 
contributing,  either  by  large  gifts  or  small,  to  its 
income,  which  in  that  year  was  startlingly  below  its 
expenditure.  Accordingly,  in  1891,  being  already,  as 

one  of  the  organisers  of  the  Lifeboat  Disaster  Fund, 




in  possession  of  the  ear  of  the  country  on  this  subject, 
he  made  a  strong  appeal  l  to  the  British  public  to 
come  to  the  rescue  of  the  National  Institution. 
Great  newspapers  passed  the  word  along,  and  the 
response  was  satisfactory. 

But  not  satisfactory  enough.  Sir  Charles 
Macara  felt  that  this  was  a  cause  which  every 
man  could  be  made  to  understand,  and  that  its 
public  was  not  only  of  those  who  made  solemn 
bequests  in  stately  wills  and  testaments,  but  of  the 
much  larger  body  which  rattled  a  week's  wages  in 

i.  "I  think  the  British  publics  generally  have  very  little  idea 
that  one  of  the  noblest  of  the  numerous  philanthropic  institutions 
in  the  country  is  in  dire  financial  straits.  The  record  of  the  Royal 
National  Life-boat  Institution  since  its  formation  is  one  of  which 
the  nation  is  justly  proud,  as  by  its  instrumentality  over  35,000 
lives  have  been  saved  at  sea,  and  the  many  deeds  of  heroism  which 
have  been  chronicled  in  connection  with  its  operations  are  the 
envy  of  the  whole  civilised  world.  Having  a  seaside  residence  on 
one  of  the  most  dangerous  parts  of  the  Lancashire  coast,  I  have 
had  opportunities  of  witnessing  the  conspicuous  gallantry  of  our 
Lifeboat  men  that  do  not  fall  to  the  lot  of  many.  It  has  also  been 
my  painful  experience  to  be  prominently  associated  with  the  most 
terrible  disaster  that  ever  befel  the  Lifeboat  service,  when  the 
whole  of  the  St.  Anne's  crew  were  swept  away,  and  all  but  two 
of  the  brave  men  who  manned  the  Southport  boat  returned  no 
more.  The  great  power  of  the  Press  was  never  better  illustrated 
than  on  that  memorable  occasion,  as,  mainly  by  the  pathetic 
appeals  that  were  made  through  it,  considerably  over  ^30,000  was 
raised  for  the  widows  and  children  of  the  drowned  men.  The 
late  German  Emperor,  William  I.,  was  so  much  touched  with  this 
disaster  that  he  sent  ^250  for  distribution  amongst  the  bereaved. 
Such  a  magnificent  result  has  emboldened  me  to  appeal  once  more 
by  the  same  means  to  the  public  on  behalf  of  this  great  national 
institution,  which  is  sorely  in  need  of  funds.  The  deficit  last  year 
assumed  alarming  proportions,  and  unless  the  country  is  roused 
to  supply  the  necessary  means,  the  Institution's  operations  will  be 
very  seriously  curtailed."  —  JULY  23RD,  1891. 



its  pockets.  It  was  to  get  at  the  small  change 
and  the  coppers  of  the  country  that  he 
originated  "  Lifeboat  Saturday."  l  Manchester,  the 
harassed  mother  of  all  new  causes,  was  the  scene  of 
the  first  experiment  in  the  October  of  1891.  For 
two  days  before  the  appointed  Saturday,  two  life- 
boats with  their  crews — reserve  lifeboats  and  reserve 
crews,  but  still  the  genuine  article — were  dragged 
through  Manchester  and  Salford  to  create  the  right 
atmosphere.  The  appointed  day  was  processional, 
and  culminated  in  the  launching  of  the  lifeboats  at 
Belle  Vue  Gardens  in  the  presence  of  30,000 
spectators.  The  fullest  advantage  was  taken  of 
Sir  Charles  Macara's  organisation  for  collecting 
subscriptions  and  donations,  and  the  city  was 
dredged  of  its  spare  cash ;  money  was  shaken  from 
upper  window-sills  and  from  the  tops  of  tramcars, 
and  at  the  end  of  the  day  Manchester  and  Salford, 

i.  In  an  article  entitled  "  The  Life-boat  Saturday  Movement 
Rapidly  Developing,"  published  in  "  The  Life-boat  Journal  "  of 
the  Royal  National  Life-boat  Institution  on  August  ist,  1894, 
the  following  reference  was  made  to  the  work  of  the  originator 
of  the  Fund  : — "  We  cannot  but  specially  mention  Mr.  and 
Mrs.  Macara,  both  of  whom  have  thrown  themselves  heart  and 
soul  into  the  work,  and  have  done  wonders  in  developing  the 
Lifeboat  Saturday  and  Ladies'  Committee  movements,  of  which 
they  were  respectively  the  originators." 



which  had  been  contributing  £200  per  annum  to 
the  saving  of  life  at  sea,  had  given  ,£5,500. 

"Lifeboat  Saturday"  spread.  By  the  end 
of  1893  it  had  become  a  feature  of  English 
life.  It  raised  the  annual  average  income  of 
the  Royal  National  Lifeboat  Institution  directly 
and  indirectly  by  ,£40,000,  thereby  making  it  possible 
to  increase  the  remuneration  of  the  lifeboatmen. 
Incidentally  it  revolutionised  the  methods  of  collect- 
ing money  in  England.  It  brought  charity  into  the 
streets  and  the  streets  into  charity.  As  the  first  of 
many  consecrated  "Saturdays,"  it  was  the  beginning 
of  a  great  humanization  of  the  common  life  by 
the  breath  of  generous  causes.  For  some  five 
years,  though  his  public  responsibilities  in 
the  cotton  trade  were  becoming  greater  each  year, 
Sir  Charles  Macara  bore  the  main  burden  of  the 
Lifeboat  Saturday  Organisation,  retiring  from  the 
work  finally  in  1896  when  he  dissented  strongly 
from  the  removal  of  its  headquarters  from  Manchester 
to  London  until  a  scheme  of  organisation  which  he 
had  been  perfecting  was  in  order.  He  continued, 
however,  and  still  continues,  to  be,  Chairman  of 
the  St.  Anne's-on-the-Sea  Branch  of  the  Lifeboat 



Institution — taking  a  practical  interest  in  the  work—- 
and a  friend  of  all  sailors'  societies,  particularly 
the  British  and  Foreign  Sailors'  Society,1  which  had 
assisted  him  in  the  working  of  the  Lifeboat  Saturday 

In  all  the  work  on  behalf  of  the  Lifeboat  Sir 
Charles  had  the  untiring  help  of  his  wife.  It 
was  Lady  Macara  who,  in  1892,  formed  the  first 
of  those  Ladies'  Auxiliary  Committees  which, 
designed  to  further  the  cause  on  the  higher  social 
levels  were  found  indispensable  in  every  town 
which  started  a  Lifeboat  Saturday.  Lady  Macara 
became  the  Honorary  Secretary  of  the  first  com- 
mittee of  the  kind  set  up  in  Manchester.  In  the 

service  of  the  Lifeboat  her  assistance  to  her  husband 

was  active,  and  was  given  with  voice  and  pen,  but 
all  the  great  work  of  Sir  Charles  Macara's  life  in 
the  fields  of  industry  and  commerce  was  submitted 
to  her  judgment,  and  step  by  step,  and  stage  by 
stage,  had  her  understanding  and  assent. 

1.  Vide  Appendix  H.  p.  324. 

2.  Guided   by    the    experience   gained    from    lifeboat    work,    Sir 
Charles   Macara   took   a   leading  part   in    the   organisation   of   the 
Lancashire    Indian    Famine    Funds    of    1897   and    1900,   by    which 
large   sums  were    sent   to    India.     The   contributions   were   drawn 
not  only   from   Lancashire   mill-owners   and  merchants,    but  from 
the   workpeople.     Notwithstanding   the  claims   made   upon    society 
by  the  South  African  War,  the  amount  subscribed  for  the  Indian 
Famine  Fund  of  1900  was  almost  as  large  as  that  contributed  in 

1 86 


The  home  which  grew  up  around  them  was 
warmed  and  illuminated  by  public  spirit  and  in- 
vigorated by  public  duty.  William  C.  Macara, 
Sir  Charles  Macara's  only  son,  is  second  in  com- 
mand in  the  management  of  the  house  of  Banner- 
man,  and  takes  his  share  in  public  duty  in  Man- 
chester as  the  honorary  secretary  of  the  Home  Trade 
Association,  which  embraces  in  its  membership  all 
the  well-known  home  trade  firms.  All  Sir  Charles 
Macara's  daughters  belong  to  that  new  efflorescence 
of  womanhood  which  insists  on  its  right  to  be  useful 
and  to  serve  the  world.  To  gratify  the  taste  of  his 
four  daughters,  who  all  took  high  diplomas  in 
agricultural  and  horticultural  subjects,  he  took  a 
model  farm  in  Herefordshire,  where  they  put  their 
training  into  practice.  Soon  after  the  beginning  of 
the  war  an  exceedingly  important  and  successful 
social  experiment  was  inaugurated  in  another  part 
of  the  country  by  one  of  them,  in  training  women 
for  work  upon  the  land.1  Another  daughter,  after 
the  outbreak  of  the  war,  was  able  to  undertake 
duties  in  her  father's  business  in  Manchester,  where 
it  became  necessary  to  employ  a  large  number  of 

i.    Vide  Appendix  G.  p.  321. 



women  to  replace  men  who  had  joined  the  colours. 


The  past  of  Lancashire  is  a  brilliant  achievement 
of  energy  and  of  thought.  Her  future  is  at  the 
moment  uncertain,  and  some  think  it  is  definitely 
dark.  A  community  which  buys  from  one  hemi- 
sphere of  earth  and  sells  to  the  other — her  interests 
are  on  far  horizons,  involved  in  the  shifting  sands 
of  world  politics.  A  new  Europe  has  to  arise  out 
of  ruins,  and  a  new  creed  may  actuate  the  govern- 
ment of  England  in  which  there  will  be  no  room 
for  full  economic  Lancashire.  Much  of  fashionable 
society,  and  a  whole  school  of  statesmanship 
momentarily  exalted  at  once  by  the  passions  and 
the  necessities  of  war,  hate  the  gospel  for  which 
Lancashire  has  stood  in  history,  and  by  virtue  of 
which  she  still  draws  the  full  breath  of  life.  Hitherto 
she  has  not  lacked  men,  each  generation  serving 
her  according  as  the  true  service  was  more  liberty 
or  more  law.  And  few,  even  of  her  own  born  sons, 
have  loved  her  better,  and  served  her  more  practi- 
cally, or  helped  her  over  a  longer  and  more  critical 
span  of  time  than  Charles  Macara,  whom  she  took 
to  herself  in  his  youth — and  brought  up  for  her  own. 






By  Sir  CHARLES  MACARA,  Bart. 
The  use  of  cotton  in  its  various  forms  is,  in  the 
present  day,  so  universal  that  very  few  ever  trouble 
to  enquire  into  its  origin  and  history,  yet  the  story 
of  cotton  from  the  earliest  times  in  which  any  record 
of  it  can  be  found  is  an  intensely  interesting  one. 
The  earliest  mention  of  it  that  can  be  traced  is  in  the 
form  of  a  fable  in  which  the  cotton  plant  as  a 
vegetable  lamb  existed  in  western  Asia.  We  learn 
that  at  a  time  very  obscure  in  its  remoteness,  the 
cotton  plant  or  tree  grew  in  a  country  then  known  as 
Scythia  or  Tartary,  and  that  the  inhabitants  appear 
to  have  made  use  of  the  fleecy  fibres  to  weave 
materials  for  clothing.  The  knowledge  of  this 
remarkable  vegetable  product  gradually  spread  to 
regions  where  the  wonderful  plant  was  unknown, 
but  in  travelling  a  great  deal  of  fiction  was  added 
to  fact,  the  result  being  that  many  strange  stories 
were  spread  abroad,  all  of  them  identical  in  one 
feature,  but  with  variations  of  detail.  It  was  always 
a  lamb  that  grew  on  a  tree,  but  there  were  differences 

1.  A  paper  prepared  at  the  request  of  the  Belgian  Government, 
and  delivered  at  the  Ghent  Exhibition,  1913.  Beprinted  from 
the  "  Revue  Economique  Internationale,"  Brussels,  July  1913. 



in  the  way  in  which  it  presented  itself.  In  one  form 
of  the  fable  we  have  "  a  tree  bearing  fruit  or  seed 
pods,  which,  when  they  ripened  and  burst  open, 
were  seen  to  contain  little  lambs,  of  whose  soft  white 
fleeces  eastern  people  wove  material  for  their 

Passing  from  the  region  of  fable  to  that  of  more 
or  less  clearly  ascertained  fact,  there  can  be  no  doubt 
that  cotton  as  first  made  known  to  us  in  Europe, 
was  a  product  which  had  gradually  made  its  way 
hither  from  Western  Asia,  where  the  plant  was 
indigenous.  The  peoples  of  the  world  have  always 
in  the  first  instance  provided  themselves  with  cloth- 
ing from  the  raw  materials  most  ready  to  their 
hands,  and  while  in  other  countries  these  took  the 
forms  of  flax,  wool,  hair,  or  silk,  certain  Asiatic 
populations  were  availing  themselves  of  the  plant 
whose  fleecy  fibres  were  finer  than  those  of  wool. 
At  what  period  these  cotton  cultivating  Asiatics  first 
learnt  to  spin  and  weave  their  vegetable  wool  it  is 
impossible  to  say,  but  in  the  sacred  books  of  India 
there  is  evidence  to  show  that  cotton  was  in  use 
eight  centuries  before  the  Christian  era.  Herodotus, 
the  father  of  history,  who  wrote  about  the  year 
445  B.C.,  is  the  first  to  mention  cotton  in  its  oriental 
use.  Writing  of  India,  he  says  :  "  They  possess 
likewise  a  kind  of  plant  which,  instead  of  fruit, 
produces  wool  of  a  finer  and  better  quality  than 
that  of  sheep ;  of  this  the  Indians  make  their 
clothes."  That  civilisation  reached  a  very  high 
standard  among  the  Hindus  seems  undoubted  ;  onlj 
the  other  day  Dr.  C.  Muthu,  physician,  Mendip 



Hills  Sanatorium,  Wells,  England,  speaking  before 
the  Royal  Society  of  Medicine,  said  the  Hindu 
civilisation  was  the  most  ancient  in  the  world. 
Their  literature  dates  back  to  about  40006.0. 
Their  medicine  is  as  old  as  their  civilisation.  They 
excelled  in  materia  medica,  and  chemistry ;  they 
were  amongst  the  first  to  practice  the  dissection  of 
the  human  body.  Many  centuries  ago  they  under- 
stood the  germ  theory,  circulation  of  the  blood,  and 
inoculation  for  smallpox.  Their  treatment  of  leprosy 
was  most  efficacious,  and  their  treatment  of  snake 
bites  astonished  Alexander  the  Great.  Their  surgery 
was  bold  and  skilful,  they  set  bones,  performed 
internal  operations,  trephined  the  skull,  and  gave 
anaesthetics  in  serious  operations.  Surely  those  who 
have  travelled  extensively  in  ancient  countries  must 
have  come  to  the  conclusion  that  there  is  nothing 
new  under  the  sun  !  But  to  return  to  our  subject, 
when  Alexander  the  Great  had  become  master  of 
Persia,  he  pushed  forward  his  conquering  forces  to 
that  part  of  Northern  India  known  to  us  as  the 
Punjaub,  and  being  compelled  to  return  to  Persia 
he  proceeded  by  descending  the  Indus  to  the  sea. 
As  an  outcome  of  this  a  good  deal  of  information 
was  collected  and  given  to  the  world  in  a  written 
form.  The  Admiral  who  brought  the  fleet  down 
the  river  reported  that  "  there  were  in  India  trees 
bearing,  as  it  were,  flocks,  or  bunches  of  wool,  and 
that  the  natives  made  of  this  wool  garments  of 
surpassing  whiteness."  Coming  down  to  a  later 
period  we  find  mention  about  the  year  25  A.D.  of 
the  progress  of  cotton  cultivation  as  far  westward 


as  the  Persian  Gulf,  but  as  late  as  A.D.  1203  the 
Egyptians  grew  cotton  only  as  an  ornamental  plant 
in  their  gardens,  and  up  to  the  beginning  of  the 
seventeenth  century  they  were  importers  and  not 
cultivators  of  cotton. 

So  far  it  has  been  with  the  cotton  plant  of  the 
eastern  world  with  which  we  have  dealt,  and  for 
many  centuries  of  the  Christian  era  none  other  was 
known  to  what  is  called  the  old  world,  but  in  1492, 
when  Columbus  sailed  westward  in  search  of  a 
sea  passage  to  India  and  first  reached  land,  the 
natives  who  came  out  in  their  canoes  to  meet  his 
ships  brought  with  them  skeins  of  cotton  yarn  and 
thread  for  exchange.  On  proceeding  further,  to 
Cuba,  he  found  the  inhabitants  clad  in  cotton  cloth. 
It  was  also  found  that  the  Mexicans  were  a  people 
who  relied  chiefly  upon  cotton  clothing,  having 
"  neither  flax,  nor  silk,  or  wool  of  sheep."  The 
Greeks  are  said  to  have  been  acquainted  with  Indian 
calicoes  two  centuries  before  the  Christian  era,  and 
the  Romans  a  century  later,  but  as  late  as  the 
thirteenth  century  it  was  only  as  candlewick  that  we 
find  it  used  in  England,  and  there  is  no  mention  of 
its  manufacture  there  until  1641. 


Cotton  is  the  most  important  of  the  vegetable 
fibres  in  the  world,  consisting  of  cellular  hairs 
attached  to  the  seeds  of  various  species  of  plants 
belonging  to  the  Mallow  order,  and  has  been  culti- 
vated from  time  immemorial.  It  is  now  found 
widely  distributed  throughout  the  tropical  and 
sub-tropical  regions  of  both  hemispheres,  South 



America,  the  West  Indies,  tropical  Africa,  and 
Southern  Asia  are  the  homes  of  various  members  of 
the  family,  but  the  plants  have  been  introduced  with 
success  into  other  lands,  as  is  well  indicated  by  the 
fact  that,  although  no  species  is  native  to  the 
United  States  of  America,  that  country  now  pro- 
duces five-eighths  of  the  world's  supply  of  cotton. 
This  consideration  should  be  an  incentive  to  the 
extension  of  cotton  growing  in  any  part  of  the  world 
where  it  can  be  carried  on  successfully.  Under 
normal  conditions  in  warm  climates  many  of  the 
species  are  perennial,  but  in  the  United  States,  for 
example,  climatic  conditions  necessitate  the  plants 
being  renewed  annually,  and  even  in  the  tropics  it 
is  often  found  advisable  to  treat  them  as  annuals 
to  ensure  the  production  of  cotton  of  the  best 
quality,  to  facilitate  cultural  operations,  and  to  keep 
insect  and  fungoid  pests  in  check.  As  the  plant 
advances  towards  maturity  the  hairs  are  flattened 
and  twisted,  which  is  of  great  economic  importance, 
the  natural  twist  facilitating  the  operation  of 
spinning  the  fibres  into  thread  or  yarn.  Cotton 
requires  for  its  development  six  or  seven  months  of 
favourable  weather.  It  thrives  in  a  warm  atmosphere, 
even  in  a  very  hot  one  provided  that  it  is  moist.  In 
about  eight  days  to  a  fortnight  after  sowing  the 
plant  shows  itself  above  ground,  and  shortly  after- 
wards cultivation  of  the  plant  commences.  As  it 
grows  it  throws  out  flower  stalks,  at  the  end  of  each 
of  which  a  flower  bud  develops.  The  blossom  differs 
in  colour  in  different  kinds  of  the  plant.  In  some, 
like  that  of  the  Sea  Islands,  it  is  pale  yellow,  but 


in  others  of  the  American  kind  it  changes  consider- 
ably, being  first  straw  colour,  then  white,  and  after- 
wards pink ;  in  two  or  three  days  the  bloom  is  gone 
and  a  capsule  appears,  called  a  boll.  Within  this 
boll  are  cells,  sometimes  three,  as  in  Egyptian,  and 
in  other  four,  as  in  American.  This  boll  increases 
until  it  is  about  the  size  of  a  filbert,  the  outer  case 
gradually  becoming  brown  and  hard,  until  at  last 
it  bursts  into  sections  and  is  seen  to  contain  in  each 
cell  a  quantity  of  tufted  cotton  wool  which  is  found 
to  be  growing  around  and  attached  separately  to 
each  seed  contained  in  the  boll.  During  the  grow- 
ing time  the  cotton  plant  encounters  many  risks 
arising  from  drought,  excessive  rain,  or  insect  pests. 
Some  idea  of  the  enormous  damage  wrought  by  the 
attacks  of  these  insect  pests  alone  may  be  gathered 
from  the  fact  that  a  low  estimate  made  a  few  years 
ago  placed  the  loss  due  to  this  cause  in  the  United 
States  at  the  astonishing  figure  of  ;£i 2,000,000 
annually.  Stringent  measures  are  being  taken  to 
try  and  combat  this  pest.  When  the  harvest  time 
arrives  and  the  white  fleeces  are  ready  to  drop  from 
the  bolls  the  cotton  must  be  picked,  which  is  done  by 
hand.  A  picker  can  pick  from  loolbs.  to  200  Ibs.  of 
seed  cotton  in  a  day.  This  operation  is  the  most 
expensive  in  cotton  production.  The  work  is  light, 
and  can  be  effectually  done  by  women  and  children, 
as  well  as  men,  but  is  tedious,  and  requires  care. 
The  plant  continues  to  produce  blooms  as  the 
earliest-formed  bolls  are  ripening,  so  that  it  bears  at 
the  same  time  flowers  and  ripe  bolls,  and  this 
necessitates  the  fields  being  picked  over  three  times. 



The  loss  from  careless  work  is  very  serious.  The 
cotton  falls  easily  or  is  dropped  ;  the  careless  gather- 
ing of  dead  leaves  and  twigs,  and  the  soiling  of  the 
cotton  by  the  earth  or  by  the  natural  colouring 
matter  from  the  bolls  injure  the  quality.  Great 
efforts  have  been  made  to  devise  picking  machines, 
but  as  yet  complete  success  have  not  been  attained. 
There  is  little  doubt  that  an  efficient  machine  will 
ultimately  be  perfected,  and  this  would  probably 
lead  to  a  great  development  of  the  cotton  growing 
industry.  One  of  the  greatest  difficulties  the  planter 
has  to  face  at  present  is  the  insufficiency  of  labour 
at  the  picking  season.  This  consideration  always 
weighs  with  him  in  deciding  the  amount  of  cotton 
he  is  to  sow.  As  the  picking  goes  on  the  cotton 
gathered  is  taken  to  the  ginneries  where  the  fibre  is 
separated  from  the  seed.  Up  till  1870,  or  there- 
abouts, the  cotton  seed  left  over  from  what  had  to 
be  saved  for  the  next  year's  sowing,  was  regarded  as 
a  positive  nuisance  upon  the  American  plantations. 
It  was  left  to  accumulate  in  vast  heaps  about  the 
ginhouses  to  the  annoyance  of  the  farmer  and  injury 
to  his  premises.  Cotton  seed  in  those  days  was  the 
object  of  so  much  aversion  that  the  planters,  after 
using  a  certain  amount  as  manure,  burned  it  or 
threw  it  into  running  streams  as  was  most  con- 
venient. Now,  the  products  of  cotton  seed  have 
become  important  elements  in  the  national  industry 
of  the  United  States.  The  main  product  is  the 
refined  oil.  The  residue  after  the  oil  is  extracted  is 
manufactured  into  cotton  seed  cake,  or  meal,  and 
forms  one  of  the  most  valuable  feeding  stuffs  for 



cattle.  But  this  does  not  exhaust  its  possibilities. 
Cotton  seed  hulls  constitute  about  half  the  weight 
of  the  ginned  seed.  These  hulls  were  found  to  be 
an  excellent  substitute  for  hay,  no  other  feed  being 
required,  the  only  provision  necessary  being  an 
adequate  supply  of  water  and  an  occasional  allow- 
ance of  salt.  Many  thousands  of  cattle  are  fattened 
annually  in  Memphis,  New  Orleans,  Houstan,  etc., 
in  this  way  at  a  remarkably  low  cost.  '  The  seed  is 
far  heavier  than  the  cotton,  and  experience  shows 
that  1,000  Ibs.  of  seed  are  produced  for  every  500  Ibs. 
of  cotton  brought  to  market.  When  the  cotton 
leaves  the  ginning  press  it  is  in  a  very  loose 
condition  and  has  to  be  compressed  into  bales  for 
convenience  of  export,  large  bale  presses  being 
worked  by  hydraulic  power.  Bales  from  different 
countries  vary  greatly  in  size,  weight,  and  appear- 
ance, the  American  bale  weighing  500  Ibs.,  the 
Egyptian  700  Ibs.,  and  the  East  Indian  400  Ibs., 
some  being  as  low  as  200  Ibs.  After  being  graded 
and  further  pressed  the  cotton  bale  is  ready  for 
export  to  the  various  countries  where  it  is  spun  and 
manufactured  into  cotton  goods  of  an  infinite  variety. 


One  of  the  most  notable  features  of  the  cotton 
industry  is  the  remarkable  development  that  has 
taken  place  in  comparatively  recent  years.  We 
have  seen  that  its  use  has  been  known  in  India 
from  time  immemorial,  and  in  various  other  eastern 
countries  for  many  centuries,  but  it  is  impossible  to 
ascertain  with  certainty  the  first  beginnings  of  the 



trade  in  Europe.  It  existed  in  Spain  in  the  tenth 
century,  and  no  doubt  quite  as  early  in  Italy  and 
Greece.  The  first  recorded  import  of  cotton  into 
England  was  in  the  thirteenth  century,  and  quite  as 
early  imports  took  place  into  France  through 
Marseilles.  The  first  mention  of  the  industry  in 
connection  with  Germany,  Holland  and  Switzerland 
was  in  the  sixteenth  century,  and  in  Russia  in  the 
eighteenth.  The  first  piece  of  British-made  calico — 
that  is,  a  fabric  made  entirely  of  cotton,  was 
produced  in  1783 ;  prior  to  that  date  cotton  yarn  was 
used  only  for  weft,  the  warp  being  supplied  by  flax 
or  wool.  The  inventions  in  1738  of  Kay's  "fly 
shuttle,"  in  1 764 of  Hargreaves' "spinning  jenny," 
in  1769  of  Arkwright's  "water-frame,"  and  in  1770 
of  Crompton's  "  mule,"  resulted  in  the  industry 
advancing  in  England  by  leaps  and  bounds,  followed 
very  soon  by  a  similar  advance  in  other  European 
countries.  This  development  has  gone  on  until  now 
the  world's  cotton  spinning  spindles  number  about 
142,000,000,  of  which  Great  Britain  possesses  over 
one-third,  the  remainder  being  distributed  among 
the  other  twenty-one  cotton  manufacturing  countries. 
The  weaving  branch  of  the  industry  has  also 
increased  correspondingly,  with  the  result  that  at  the 
present  day  cotton  forms  much  the  largest  and 
cheapest  portion  of  the  clothing  of  the  people  of  the 
world,  and  its  manufactures  include  all  grades  of 
material  from  heavy  coarse  sailcloth  to  the  finest 


WEST  INDIES.      At  the  close  of  the  eighteenth 




century  the  West  Indies  supplied  70  per  cent,  of  the 
cotton  imported  into  Great  Britain,  but  owing  to  the 
competition  occasioned  by  the  rapid  expansion  of 
its  culture  in  the  Southern  States  of  America,  the 
imports  gradually  decreased,  the  plantars  rinding  it 
more  profitable  to  employ  their  labour  and  capital 
in  the  production  of  sugar  and  other  articles. 
During  the  American  War  there  was  an  increase  in 
the  number  of  bales  imported  from  the  West  Indies, 
but  after  the  close  of  the  war  the  import  rapidly  fell 
away.  It  is,  however,  again  increasing. 

EGYPT.  After  the  West  Indies  the  chief  supply 
a  century  ago  came  from  the  countries  bordering  on 
the  Mediterranean,  Asia  Minor,  Cyprus,  etc.,  which 
has  been  largely  increased  since  1820  by  the  develop- 
ment of  cotton  growing  in  Egypt.  Egyptian  cotton 
has  certain  characteristics  which  cause  it  to  be  in 
great  demand.  These  special  qualities  are  its 
fineness,  strength,  elasticity,  and  great  natural  twist, 
which,  combined,  enable  it  to  be  used  for  very  fine, 
strong  yarns  suited  to  the  manufacture  of  the  better 
qualities  of  hosiery,  for  mixing  with  silk  and  wool, 
and  for  making  lace.  It  also  mercerises  well — a 
process  by  which  cotton  goods  can  be  made  to 
closely  resemble  silk  in  appearance.  Nothing  could 
be  more  conducive  to  the  extension  of  cotton  grow- 
ing iri  Egypt  and  in  the  Anglo-Egyptian  Sudan 
than  the  recent  visits  of  various  delegations  to  that 
country,  the  last  one  being  under  the  auspices  of  the 
International  Cotton  Federation.  The  reports  of 
these  delegations  which  have  been  issued  show  the 
great  possibilities  of  improving  the  quality  and 



greatly  increasing  the  cotton  crop  of  North-East 
Africa.  The  information  given  in  these  reports  has 
been  specially  valuable  at  a  time  when  the  British 
Government  has  under  consideration  the  guarantee- 
ing of  the  interest  on  a  loan  of  ,£3,000,000,  to  be 
raised  by  the  Sudanese  Government  for  the  develop- 
ment of  the  Anglo-Egyptian  Sudan — a  proposition 
which  it  is  practically  certain  will  be  carried  out.  In 
his  recent  report  on  Egypt  Lord  Kitchener  paid  a 
high  tribute  to  the  value  of  the  visit  of  the  Inter- 
national Cotton  Federation  to  that  country. 

SOUTHERN  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  The  first  import 
of  cotton  from  the  Southern  States  of  America  to 
England  took  place  in  1784,  and  consisted  of  eight 
bags  weighing  about  1 2,000  Ibs.  In  1793  Eli 
Whitney  invented  the  saw-gin,  a  much  improved 
machine  for  detaching  the  cotton  fibre  from  the 
seeds,  and  the  cultivation  of  the  plant  increased 
rapidly,  but  it  took  America  ten  years  to  produce 
a  crop  of  100,000  bales,  and  thirty-five  years  to  reach 
1,000,000  bales.  About  thirty-five  years  ago  the 
American  crop  was  six  and  a  half  million  bales,  last 
year  it  had  reached  the  vast  total  of  16,000,000  bales, 
so  rapid  has  been  the  increase  in  more  recent 
years.  During  this  period  there  have  been 
fluctuations  in  the  crop  of  between  two  and  three 
million  bales,  and  the  fluctuations  in  the  price 
have  been  enormous.  The  American  bale  has  been 
described  in  a  standard  American  book  on  cotton  as 
"  the  clumsiest,  dirtiest,  most  expensive,  and  most 
wasteful  package  in  which  cotton  or  any  other 
commodity  of  like  value  is  anywhere  put  up." 



Suggestions  for  its  improvement  were  made  by  the 
Lancashire  Private  Investigation  Commission,  which 
visited  the  Southern  States  of  America  in  1906, 
which,  if  carried  out,  together  with  the  consequent 
reduction  in  the  cost  of  transport,  would,  it  is 
estimated,  result  in  a  monetary  saving  of  millions  of 
pounds  sterling  annually.  President  Roosevelt,  in 
referring  to  this  Commission  and  to  the  subsequent 
International  delegation  which  visited  the  cotton 
growing  States  the  following  year,  said,  that  a  great 
awakening  has  taken  place  as  regards  the  cultiva- 
tion and  handling  of  cotton,  and  as  a  result  reforms 
had  been  initiated.  These  reforms  would  probably 
have  made  much  greater  progress  had  they  not  been 
retarded  by  the  opposition  of  trusts.  Now,  however, 
determined  effort  is  on  foot  to  prevent  these  organi- 
sations interfering  with  the  legitimate  development 
of  trade,  and  it  is  fully  expected  that  the  movement 
for  the  improved  handling  and  baling  of  the 
American  cotton  crop  will  ere  long  be  much  more  in 

EAST  INDIAN.  There  has  also  been  an  immense 
extension  of  the  East  Indian  crop  within  the  last  few 
years,  and  it  is  now  nearly  half  as  large  as  the 
present  average  American  crop.  The  Secretary  of 
the  International  Cotton  Federation,  who  recently 
has  made  two  extensive  tours  in  India,  reports  that 
in  a  comparatively  few  years  the  Indian  crop  might 
possibly  be  doubled.  In  India  everything  needful 
for  this  increase  of  cultivation  exists,  suitable  land 
and  climate,  an  immense  poulation,  and  excellent 
means  of  transport.  Possibly  a  more  speedy  increase 



might  be  obtained  from  India  than  any  other 
country.  Indian  cotton  as  grown  at  present  is  not 
suitable  for  the  goods  so  largely  produced  in 
Lancashire,  but  if  the  staple  were  improved  this 
might  be  altered.  If  there  were  even  a  great  exten- 
sion of  the  present  quality  of  cotton  it  would  be 
of  advantage  to  the  cotton  using  countries  of  the 
European  continent  where  there  might  be  a  much 
larger  consumption  of  it  than  at  present.  Sixty 
years  ago  the  most  beautifully  fine  muslins  were 
exported  from  India  made  from  cotton  which  must 
have  been  both  spun  and  woven  by  hand  and  of 
necessity  from  a  quality  of  cotton  much  superior 
to  that  at  present  grown  there,  but  which  has 
deteriorated  so  much  that  it  would  be  quite  impos- 
sible to  produce  such  fine  fabrics  from  the  cotton 
now  grown.  There  is  very  little  doubt,  however, 
that  cotton  of  longer  staple  and  better  quality  can 
be  produced  in  India  by  careful  seed  selection  and 
improved  cultivation. 


The  average  cotton  crop  of  the  world  may  now  be 
estimated  at  considerably  over  20,000,000  bales  of  an 
average  weight  of  500  Ibs.  each,  or  three  times  the 
quantity  that  was  produced  forty  years  ago,  but  still 
it  is  not  enough  for  the  world's  ever-increasing 
requirements.  It  is  of  supreme  importance  that 
the  supply  of  cotton  should  be  increased,  and  it 
matters  little  from  what  country  that  supply  comes 
so  long  as  it  is  ample  for  the  needs  of  the  industry 
as  a  whole.  The  British  Cotton  Growing  Associa- 



tion  and  similar  Associations  in  the  other  European 
countries  are  all  working  to  obtain  these  much- 
needed  supplies  from  their  colonies  and  dependen- 


It  will  readily  be  understood  that  an  industry  of 
such  enormous  dimensions  and  complexities,  and 
employing  in  one  way  or  another  vast  numbers  of 
people,  could  not  be  carried  on  without  conflicts 
between  capital  and  labour.  The  disastrous  results 
of  these  complications  gradually  led  the  way  to 
combinations  for  self  defence,  first  on  the  part  of 
the  workpeople  by  their  Trade  Unions,  and  more 
slowly  of  the  employers  with  their  Associations  and 
Federations.  In  this  way  may  be  traced  the  first 
glimmerings  of  that  sense  of  the  need  for  co- 
operation and  of  the  interdependence  of  the  one 
upon  the  other  upon  which  the  whole  welfare  of 
the  industry  depends,  a  sense  which  is  rapidly 
developing,  as  is  evidenced  by  the  extension  of  these 
amalgamations  to  International  Federations  which 
have  more  recently  been  formed — again  the  work- 
people taking  the  lead. 

Towards  the  end  of  1903,  and  in  the  early  part  of 
1904,  the  cotton  industry  of  the  world  was  brought 
face  to  face  with  a  serious  shortage  of  the  raw 
material  complicated  by  excessive  speculation.  It 
was  strongly  felt  that  this  position  could  only  be 
adequately  met  by  general  short-time  working  in 
mills  in  all  parts  of  the  world.  The  Swiss  Associa- 
tion" of  Cotton  Spinners  readily  consented  to  act 
along  with  the  English  Federation  as  joint  conveners 



of  a  Conference,  and  in  May,  1904,  the  opening 
meeting  was  held  at  Zurich,  delegated  representatives 
of  the  principal  countries  engaged  in  the  European 
cotton  trade  being  present.  After  serious  discussion 
of  the  problems  which  had  arisen  it  was  soon 
apparent  that  community  of  interest  demanded  the 
establishment  of  a  permanent  organisation.  The 
following  year  a  second  International  Conference 
was  held  at  Manchester  and  Liverpool,  at  which  the 
delegates  formally  adopted  the  proposals  of  the 
Committee  appointed  at  Zurich  for  the  establishment 
of  an  International  Federation  with  its  headquarters 
in  Manchester,  whose  object  should  be  "to  watch 
over  and  protect  the  common  interests  of  the 
industry,  and  to  advise  Associations  of  the  action 
to  be  taken  against  any  common  danger." 

Other  conferences  of  delegated  representatives  of 
the  countries  included  in  the  International  Federa- 
tion have  since  been  held  in  Bremen,  Vienna,  Paris, 
Milan,  Brussels,  Barcelona,  and  at  The  Hague. 
The  work  of  the, Employers'  International  Federa- 
tion has  proved  more  than  anything  else  the 
necessity  for  providing  for  the  continued  develop- 
ment of  this  industry  through  the  increase  of 
population,  and  also  the  march  of  civilisation,  there 
still  being  a  very  large  proportion  of  the  inhabitants 
of  the  globe  that  are  only  partially  clothed,  or  not 
clothed  at  all.  The  work  of  the  International  Cotton 
Federation  has  been  of  incalculable  benefit  from  an 
educational  point  of  view,  indeed,  it  is  difficult  to 
realise  how  this  industry  could  have  been  conducted, 
especially  during  recent  years,  without  such  an 



organisation.  Its  educational  work  has  brought 
home  most  forcibly  to  all  the  absolute  necessity  for 
international  co-operation,  the  interdependence  of 
the  nations  of  the  world,  and  the  hopelessness  of 
conducting  successfully  international  industry  and 
commerce  unless  by  the  friendly  co-operation  of  the 
peoples  of  the  world. 

When  the  representatives  of  the  cotton  trade  first 
met  at  Zurich  many  people  thought  such  a  Federa- 
tion an  impossibility  on  account  of  the  diverse 
interests  of  the  various  nations  assembled,  but  not 
only  have  all  cotton  using  countries  now  either 
joined  the  Federation  or  co-operate  with  it,  but  the 
same  enthusiasm  which  was  displayed  at  the  first 
meeting  still  continues,  and  the  greatest  harmony 
has  always  prevailed.  It  has  also  been  proved  that 
the  interests  of  all  these  nations  with  regard  to  the 
industry  are  the  same  so  far  as  general  principles 
are  concerned,  and  that  if  the  interests  of  one 
country  suffer  the  interests  of  the  others  will  also 
suffer  more  or  less. 

The  year  after  the  International  Cotton  Federation 
was  established  another  important  organisation 
came  into  existence,  the  International  Institute  of 
Agriculture,  which  was  initiated  by  the  King  of 
Italy  on  the  recommendation  of  an  American  citizen, 
Mr.  David  Lubin.  The  world  is  greatly  indebted  to 
His  Majesty  for  the  bold  initiative  of  summoning 
an  International  Conference  for  the  purpose  of 
founding  this  International  Institute.  The  building 
in  which  the  work  is  carried  on  is  in  Rome,  and  was 
erected  at  His  Majesty's  personal  expense,  and  was 



formally  opened  in  1908.  The  Committee  of  the 
International  Cotton  Federation  took  an  active 
interest  in  the  Institute  of  Agriculture  from  its 
inception,  and  through  its  members  did  much  to 
enlist  the  support  of  the  Governments  of  the 
countries  they  represent  in  contributing  to  the 
annual  cost  of  carrying  on  the  work  of  the  Institute. 
Its  main  purpose  is  to  keep  the  world  accurately 
informed  of  the  condition  of  crops,  in  order  that  a 
deficiency  in  one  quarter  may  be  made  good,  and  a 
surplus  in  another  put  to  the  best  use.  It  has 
already  been  successful  in  issuing  reliable  statistics 
regarding  the  available  supply  of  foodstuffs,  and 
there  is  little  doubt  that  in  time  it  will  be  in  a 
position  to  deal  in  the  same  manner  with  the  raw 
materials  of  the  textile  industries.  The  International 
Cotton  Federation  has  for  some  time  collected  and 
published  statistics  concerning  the  annual  consump- 
tion of  cotton  and  of  the  stocks  of  cotton  in  the 
hands  of  spinners,  and  in  this  way  these  two 
important  international  organisations  work  along 
similar  lines,  and  a  close  bond  of  sympathy  unites 
them  in  their  work.  Many  notable  receptions  have 
been  held  by  Heads  of  States  in  the  countries  where 
the  annual  meetings  of  the  Federation,  and  meetings 
of  the  Committee  have  taken  place.  In  addition  to 
this  numerous  other  important  functions  have  also 
taken  place ;  one  of  the  most  notable  of  these  was  a 
luncheon  given  by  the  British  Government,  at  the 
House  of  Commons,  in  1910,  representatives  of  the 
cotton  trade  of  the  world  being  present,  and  a 
quotation  from  the  address,  delivered  on  that 



occasion  by  Sir  Edward  Grey,  who  has  rendered 
such  invaluable  services  during  the  recent  inter- 
national complications,  forms  a  fitting  conclusion  to 
this  paper.  Sir  Edward  said  : 

"The  cotton  industry  is  indeed  one  of  the 
greatest  industries  in  the  world,  great  in  size  and 
importance.  Great,  I  think,  from  whatever  point 
of  view  you  look  at  it.  This  Federation  empha- 
sises, not  competition,  not  rivalry,  but  great  points 
of  agreement  which  this  industry  has  promoted. 
As  an  International  Federation  of  Cotton  Spinners 
and  Manufacturers  you  are  perhaps  doing,  or  at 
least  contributing  to,  a  greater  work  than  you 
know.  Your  immediate  object  is  the  prosperity 
of  the  cotton  industry,  but  I  would  hope  that  the 
ultimate  end  to  which  your  thoughts  are  tending 
is  to  make  felt  among  the  nations  a  greater  sense 
of  the  interdependence  of  the  nations  upon  each 
other.  I  believe  financial  circles  are  feeling  that 
already,  and  when  all  those  connected  in 
industry  feel  that  also,  then  I  think  we  may  agree 
that  the  peace  of  the  world  is  being  assured." 


AMERICA,  igo;.1 


Mr.  C.  W.  MACARA  :  I  am  quite  unable  to  give 
adequate  expression  to  our  appreciation  of  the  mag- 
nificent hospitality  we  have  received  from  the 
moment  we  landed  on  the  shores  of  America,  and 
I  can  assure  you  that  we  are  all  deeply  touched  by 
the  cordiality  of  our  reception  in  your  splendid  city 
of  Atlanta.  This  Conference,  in  which  we  have 
a  representation  of  the  whole  of  the  cotton  users  of 
the  world,  will  take  a  prominent  place  in  the  history 
of  the  cotton  trade. 

We  Europeans  have  come  here  believing  that  by 
holding  out  the  right  hand  of  fellowship  to  the 
spinners  and  manufacturers  of  America  and  by 
joining  with  them  in  greeting  the  growers  of  our 
raw  material  much  permanent  good  will  result. 

The  position  I  have  had  the  honour  to  occupy 
for  many  years  in  connection  with  the  English 
Federation  of  Master  Cotton  Spinners'  Associa- 
tions, and,  during  recent  years,  in  connection  with 
the  International  Federation  of  Master  Cotton 
Spinners'  and  Manufacturers'  Associations,  has 
rendered  it  necessary  for  me,  in  conjunction  with 
my  colleagues  on  the  Committees  of  these  two 

1.  Reprinted  from  the  official  report  of  the  International 
Convention  of  Cotton  Growers,  Spinners  and  representatives  of 
the  Cotton  Exchanges,  held  at  Atlanta,  Georgia,  U.S.A. 



organisations,  to  devote  much  careful  attention  to 
the  solution  of  many  difficult  problems  as  they  have 
arisen  in  connection  with  the  carrying  on  of  the 
cotton  industry  as  a  whole.  The  results  accom- 
plished have  been  most  encouraging ;  and  a  perusal 
of  the  reports  of  the  four  International  Cotton  Con- 
gresses, which  were  held  successively  in  Switzer- 
land, England,  Germany,  and  Austria,  will  show 
what  the  International  movement  has  effected.  I 
venture  to  express  the  opinion  that  no  commercial 
movement  in  the  past  has  commanded,  in  so  short 
a  time,  so  much  attention  in  Government  circles. 
The  possibilities  of  commercial  energy,  enterprise, 
and  organisation,  aided  by  the  support  of  the 
Governments  of  the  countries  interested,  are  un- 
limited. The  Report  of  the  Fourth  International 
Cotton  Congress  is  just  issued  both  in  America  and 
Europe.  A  copy  of  this  highly-interrsting  docu- 
ment has  been  provided  for  each  delegate  to  this 
unique  Convention  of  Cotton  Planters  and  Spinners, 
and  will,  I  hope,  materially  facilitate  the  discussion 
of  the  numerous  important  subjects  which  are  to  be 
dealt  with.  Such  being  the  case,  it  is  unnecessary 
for  me  to  enlarge  on  these  subjects. 

The  International  Cotton  Federation  was  formed 
to  further  the  welfare  of  the  world's  cotton  industry, 
and  includes  within  the  scope  of  its  operations 
everything  in  which  interests  common  to  all  are 
involved.  An  organisation  with  such  aims  cannot 
be  successfully  carried  on  except  by  working  on  the 
broadest  lines,  and  with  due  regard  to  the  legitimate 
interests  of  all  who  are  engaged  in  the  industry, 



whether  they  be  the  growers  of  the  raw  material,  the 
legitimate  middlemen  who  are  responsible  for  the 
distribution  of  that  raw  material,  the  spinners,  the 
manufacturers,  or  of  any  other  interests  that  are 
dependent  upon  them. 

All  these  are  entitled  to  a  fair  remuneration  for 
their  labour  and  enterprise,  and  anything  that  inter- 
feres with  the  smooth  working  of  an  industry  that 
concerns  the  welfare  of  many  millions  of  people 
ought  to  be  energetically  dealt  with  by  united  action 
and  removed. 

Those  I  have  just  enumerated  are  necessary 
factors  in  the  conduct  of  this  great  industry ;  but 
there  are,  unfortunately,  people  who  are  not  engaged 
in  any  of  these  departments  who  are  using  the  raw 
material  of  the  industry  as  a  counter  for  gambling 

Simultaneously  with  the  Second  International 
Cotton  Congress,  which  was  held  in  England  in 
May,  1905,  there  .met  in  Rome,  at  the  invitation 
of  the  King  of  Italy,  an  International  Congress  of 
the  representatives  of  many  nations  delegated  by 
their  Governments  to  discuss  a  scheme  for  bringing 
the  agricultural  interests  of  the  world  into  line. 
The  idea  was  conceived  by  Mr.  David  Lubin,  an 
American  citizen,  who  succeeded  in  getting  the 
energetic  and  far-seeing  King,  of  Italy  to  take  the 
initiative  in  a  movement,  the  success  of  which  is, 
I  think,  now  practically  assured.  The  International 
Cotton  Federation,  which  is  kindred  in  its  aims,  has 
cordially  co-operated  in  the  movement.  In  the 
light  of  what  has  been  achieved,  there  is  a  fixed 



conviction  in  the  minds  of  all  who  have  taken  part 
in  the  work  that  it  is  by  international  combination 
alone  that  the  interests  of  any  world-wide  industry 
can  be  adequately  safeguarded. 

The  first  practical  work  of  the  International 
Cotton  Federation  was  to  endeavour  to  secure 
thoroughly  reliable  statistics  of  the  annual  con- 
sumption of  the  raw  material  and  stocks  in  the 
hands  of  spinners  at  the  middle  and  end  of  each 
cotton  season,  and  as  there  are  already  returns 
obtained  from  the  owners  of  about  100,000,000 
spindles,  it  is  expected  that  it  will  not  be  long  ere  a 
complete  return  from  all  the  spindles  in  the  world 
will  be  available.  The  International  Institute  of 
Agriculture  has  similar  aims  in  view  as  regards 
furnishing  reliable  statistics  of  the  supply  of  agricul- 
tural products,  including,  of  course,  cotton.  When 
these  two  sets  of  statistics  are  available  it  is  obvious 
that  the  work  of  the  outside  manipulator  of  prices 
will  be  rendered  extremely  difficult,  if  not  impossible 

The  American  cotton  crop  plays  such  an  important 
part  in  the  supply  of  the  world's  needs  that  opera- 
tions which  affect  it  practically  affect,  more  or  less, 
the  entire  crop  of  the  world,  and  when  consideration 
is  given  to  the  colossal  dimensions  of  the  world's 
cotton  crop,  and  to  the  fact  that  the  raising  of  the 
annual  average  price  by  illegitimate  speculation  by 
even  one  cent  per  pound  represents  ,£18,000,000 
($90,000,000),  it  must  be  obvious  that  it  is  time  that 
some  determined  effort  was  made  to  rid  the  industry 
of  this  serious  and  unnecessary  burden. 

It  is  impossible  to  imagine  any  more  important 


work,  or  one  in  which  growers  and  spinners  can 
more  readily  join  hands,  as  it  is  inimical  to  the 
interests  of  both  that  such  colossal  sums  should  be 
extracted  by  those  who  neither  grow  cotton  nor 
manufacture  it,  nor,  indeed,  render  any  actual 
service  in  the  distribution  of  the  raw  material  or 
its  manufactured  products. 

Cotton  planters  have  been  urged  from  time  to 
time  to  hold  for  extreme  prices,  but  it  is  doubtful 
if  the  adoption  of  such  advice  would  in  the  long  run 
be  to  their  advantage.  It  must  never  be  lost  sight 
of  by  the  growers  that  this  staple  supplies  the 
clothing  for  the  poorest  people  of  the  world  in 
every  country,  and  that  applies  more  particularly 
to  the  700,000,000  in  India  and  China,  to  whom  a 
great  rise  in  price  certainly  means  a  limitation  of 
their  purchasing  power,  with  a  consequently 
reduced  employment  for  the  spinners  and  manufac- 
turers of  the  world,  upon  whom  the  growers  of 
cotton  are  dependent.  It  has  been  the  aim  of  all 
engaged  in  the  manufacturing  of  cotton  for  many 
years  to  reduce  the  cost  of  production  by  taking 
full  advantage  of  science  and  invention,  and  great 
economies  have  been  effected.  I  think  it  would  be 
well  if  this  example  were  followed  by  the  growers  of 
our  raw  material. 

In  addition  to  the  saving  which  might  be  effected 
by  the  suppression  of  outside  manipulation,  very 
great  economies  might  also  be  effected  in  the  cost 
of  growing,  handling,  and  marketing  cotton,  as  is 
made  evident  in  the  Report  issued  by  the  Lancashire 
Private  Cotton  Investigation  Commission,  which 



will  be  found  in  the  appendix  in  the  Report  of  the 
Fourth  International  Cotton  Congress. 

The  great  majority  of  people  who  are  engaged  in 
the  growing  of  cotton  and  its  manufacture  are  too 
much  occupied  with  the  concerns  of  their  own 
business  to  have  followed  the  enormous  development 
of  the  cotton  industry.  Thirty  years  ago  the  total 
crop  of  the  United  States  was  only  about  4,500,000 
bales.  Now  America  herself  is  using  annually 
5,000,000  bales  out  of  a  crop  of  13,500,000.  The 
crops  of  the  other  cotton  growing  countries  have 
also  increased  largely  and  all  the  cotton  has  gone 
into  consumption. 

With  the  spread  of  civilisation,  coupled  with  the 
success  of  the  efforts  which  are  now  being  made  to 
reduce  the  possibilities  of  war,  it  is  not,  I  think, 
taking  too  sanguine  a  view  to  assume  that  the 
progress  of  the  next  thirty  years  will  be  in  a  much 
greater  ratio  than  that  of  the  past  thirty  years. 
With  such  prospects  before  us,  it  is  essential  that 
we  should  encourage,  in  every  way,  the  enterprise 
of  all  who  are  endeavouring  to  make  provision  for 
the  ever-increasing  demand  for  the  raw  material  of 
an  industry  that  plays  so  important  a  part  in  the 
clothing  of  the  people  of  the  world. 

Great  efforts  have  been  made  during  recent  years 
to  develop  cotton  growing  in  the  Colonies  and 
Dependencies  of  European  nations,  and  many 
enthusiastic  views  are  expressed  with  regard  to  the 
progress  that  will  be  made  in  these  new  countries. 
Although  I  am  of  opinion  that  the  experience  of 
America  in  the  early  years  of  the  cotton  growing 



industry  will  probably  be  repeated,  and  that  the 
progress  will  be  slow,  there  is  little  doubt  that  any 
attempt  on  the  part  of  the  American  growers  to 
maintain  prices  at  ai  abnormally  high  level  will 
have  the  effect  of  giving  an  increased  stimulus  to 
these  efforts,  and  progress  may  consequently  be 
much  more  rapid  than  under  normal  conditions. 

What  is  equally  important,  however,  in  the 
interests  of  the  cotton  industry  as  a  whole,  is  that 
prices  of  the  raw  material  should  not  be  reduced 
to  a  level  which  will  not  adequately  remunerate  the 
growers.  We  shall  certainly  have,  as  in  the  past, 
bad  seasons  alternating  with  good,  but  as  cotton, 
unlike  most  other  agricultural  produce,  can  be  stored 
for  years  without  deterioration,  it  would  surely  be 
wise  and  prudent,  in  times  of  over  abundance,  to 
establish  a  reserve  for  years  of  partial  failure,  which 
would  also  have  a  steadying  effect  on  prices. 

I  should  like  to  emphasise  that  taking  into  con- 
sideration the  magnitude  of  the  interests  involved, 
the  risks  to  which  the  cotton  plant  is  exposed,  and 
the  prospects  of  the  continued  development  of  the 
world's  cotton  industry,  we  should  be  short-sighted 
indeed  if  we  did  not  take  energetic  measures  to 
increase  our  supply  of  the  raw  material,  to  broaden 
the  basis  of  that  supply,  and  likewise  give  attention 
to  the  establishment  of  a  reserve  in  years  of 
abundance  as  an  insurance  against  years  of  partial 
failure  and  all  the  suffering  which  this  entails.  I 
quite  appreciate  the  great  difficulties  which  surround 
the  creation  of  a  reserve,  but  when  difficulties  are 



resolutely  faced  it  is  wonderful  how  they  can  be 

I  quite  agree  with  His  Excellency  the  Governor 
of  Georgia,  Mr.  Hoke  Smith,  that  this  part  of  the 
world  is  specially  suited  to  grow  cotton,  but  we 
must  see  that  we  have  a  sufficient  quantity  of  it. 

In  1904,  it  was  my  duty  to  lead  a  movement  by 
which  the  cotton  industry  of  England  reduced  the 
hours  of  labour  in  the  cotton  mills  from  55^  to  40 
per  week.  The  reduction  was  continued  for  twelve 
months.  Our  operatives  heartily  co-operated  with 
us,  and  by  our  action  we  saved  a  disaster  of  the  first 
magnitude.  Had  we  not  had  the  foresight  and  the 
organisation  to  take  this  step,  there  is  no  doubt  that 
by  the  month  of  May  there  would  not  have  been  a 
bale  of  American  cotton  available  for  the  mills  of 
England.  By  our  action  we  reduced  the  price  of 
cotton  which  had  been  raised  to  a  fictitious  figure  by 
speculation,  we  tided  over  a  year  of  a  short  crop, 
and  we  prevented  a  great  disaster.  I  estimate  that 
including  cotton  operatives,  operatives  of  subsidiary 
industries,  and  the  dependants  of  both,  2,500,000 
people  would  have  been  deprived  of  the  means  of 
livelihood  had  this  organised  reduction  of  working 
hours  not  been  adopted.  With  such  an  experience 
I  urge  that  we  must  have  a  great  increase  in  the 
supply  of  our  raw  material  wherever  that  increase 
can  be  effected. 

In  conclusion,  important  as  are  the  objects  of  this 
Convention  which  has  brought  the  men  of  so  many 
nationalities  together,  it  is  even  more  important  as 
affording-  another  demonstration  of  how  much  the 



interests  of  all  nations  are  bound  up  together.  The 
more  fully  this  can  be  realised,  the  greater  will  be 
success  of  the  efforts  which  are  happily  being  put 
forth  by  exalted  personages,  and  the  governments 
of  the  world,  to  remove  international  jealousies,  to 
settle  international  disputes  by  arbitration,  and  to 
promote  peace  and  goodwill  among  men. 



The  White  House,  Washington, 

October  i8th,  1907. 
My  Dear  Sir, 

I  feel  a  very  deep  personal  interest  in  the  important 
matter  which  has  brought  to  our  shores  so  large  and 
distinguished  a  body  of  cotton  manufacturers  from 
the  principal  nations  of  Europe.  So  far  as  I  under- 
stand the  plans  and  purposes  of  the  International 
Federation  of  Cotton  Spinners,  of  which  you  are  the 
President,  you  aim  to  promote  stable  conditions  in 
your  great  industry  throughout  the  world ;  and  your 
visit  to  the  United  States  more  especially  aims  to 
bring  the  world's  cotton  manufacturers  into  closer 
touch  and  sympathy  with  our  own  cotton  producers, 
upon  whom  you  depend  for  three-quarters  of  your 
supplies  of  raw  material.  It  seems  to  me  an 
elementary  truth  that  if  our  cotton  planters  can 
learn  more  definitely  and  at  first  hand,  as  your  trip 
proposes,  the  exact  needs  of  the  manufacturer,  in  the 
matter  of  the  preparation  and  shipment  of  the  raw 
cotton,  and  can  aim  to  conform  thereto,  the  result 
will  be  quite  as  much  to  their  benefit  as  to  yours. 
You  will  find  great  changes  in  progress  here,  and 
an  almost  universal  interest  throughout  the  cotton 
belt  in  the  matters  that  interest  you  ;  and  I  hope  and 
believe  that  you  will  return  to  your  homes  not  only 



pleased  with  our  country,  but  encouraged  to  believe 
that  your  visit  will  bear  immediate  fruit. 

It  is  a  source  of  regret  to  me  that  engagements 
made  long  since  rendered  it  impossible  to  receive 
your  delegation  during  your  sojourn  in  Washington, 
and  to  say  to  you  by  word  of  mouth  what  I  now 
take  great  pleasure  in  writing. 

Sincerely  yours, 


Mr.  C.  W.  Macara,  President, 

International  Federation  of  Master  Cotton 
Spinners'  and  Manfacturers'  Associations. 

22,  St.  Mary's  Gate,  Manchester, 

November  6th,  1907. 
The  Hon.  Theodore  Roosevelt, 

President  of  the  United  States  of  America. 
My  Dear  Sir, 

I  beg  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your  valued 
letter  of  October  i8th. 

The  interest  which  you  have  shown  in  the  aims 
of  the  International  Federation  of  Master  Cotton 
Spinners'  and  Manufacturers'  Associations,  under 
whose  auspices  the  Delegation,  representing  the 
cotton-using  countries  of  Europe,  visited  America, 
will  be  a  matter  of  intense  satisfaction,  not  only  to 
the  Delegation  itself,  but  to  every  member  of  the 
International  Federation. 

The  Convention  which  was  held  at  Atlanta  on 
October  yth,  8th,  and  9th,  was  the  most  remarkable 
gathering  ever  held  in  connection  with  the  cotton 



industry,  as  it  embraced  Representatives  of  American 
and  European  Spinners,  of  the  Cotton  Exchanges 
of  the  world,  and  of  the  Cotton  Planters  of  the 
Southern  States  of  America.  It  undoubtedly  marks 
an  epoch  in  the  history  of  the  cotton  industry. 

As  stated  in  your  letter,  the  International  Cotton 
Federation  aims  at  the  promotion  of  stable  condi- 
tions throughout  the  world  for  the  cotton  industry, 
and  I  feel  certain  that  it  is  impossible  to  overestimate 
the  benefit  which  will  accrue  to  one  of  the  greatest 
international  industries  by  the  frank  interchange  of 
opinion  which  took  place  at  the  Atlanta  Convention. 

The  opportunities  afforded  of  receiving  and 
imparting  information,  throughout  the  tour  of  the 
Southern  States,  must  also  be  productive  of  great 
benefit  both  to  the  producers  of  the  raw  material  and 
to  the  cotton  spinners  and  manufacturers. 

We  certainly  found  wherever  we  went  in  the 
United  States  that  great  changes  are  being  in- 
augurated, and  we  have  returned  home  feeling  that 
your  wonderful  country  possesses  unlimited  re- 
sources in  many  respects,  and  especially  in  regard 
to  the  production  of  cotton.  We  believe  our  visit 
will  have  in  some  measure  stimulated  the  Cotton 
Planters  to  take  fuller  advantage  of  their  splendid 

We  shall  always  remember  with  pleasure  the  hearty 
welcome  accorded  to  us  wherever  we  journeyed.  The 
hospitality  and  kindness  of  the  American  people 
were  overwhelming. 

Our  chief  regret  on  leaving  the  United  States  was 


that  we  had  not  the  honour  and  pleasure  of  meeting 
you,  whose  services  to  humanity  have  evoked  so 
much  admiration  throughout  the  world. 
I  am, 

Yours  faithfully, 

C.  W.  MACARA, 

Chairman  of  Committee  :  International 
Federation  of  Master  Cotton  Spinners' 
and  Manufacturers'  Associations. 

Extract  from  a  letter  addressed  to  Mr.  C.  W.  Macara, 
from  His  Excellency  the  Right  Hon.  JAMES 
BRYCE,  O.M.,  British  Ambassador  at 

"  The  international  importance  of  the  Cotton 
Federation,  and  the  fact  that  the  centre  of  organisa- 
tion is  Manchester,  gives  it  a  claim  on  the  repre- 
sentatives of  my  Sovereign,  King  Edward,  who  has 
personally  on  more  than  one  occasion  expressed  his 
interest  in  the  objects  of  the  Federation.  I  have 
instructed  His  Majesty's  Consuls  in  the  cities  to 
be  visited  in  your  journey  to  extend  every  assistance 
to  the  delegates. 

"  October  4th,  1907." 


EGYPT,  1912. 


Sir  CHARLES  W.  MACARA,  Bart.,  said  :  This  Inter- 
national Delegation2  which  has  come  to  visit  your 
wonderful  country  is  representative  of  one  of  the 
most  remarkable  commercial  movements  the  world 
has  ever  seen.  The  International  Cotton  Federa- 
tion was  founded  in  1904  in  a  crisis  brought  about 
by  the  inadequate  supply  of  the  raw  material,  and 
since  then  my  colleagues  and  I  have  been  received 
by  the  Head  of  every  State  in  which  Congresses  or 
Committee  meetings  have  been  held,  as  well  as  by 
many  of  the  principal  ministers  of  state.  I  think 
it  is  a  very  hopeful  sign  that  the  highest  personages 
in  the  world  are  devoting  their  attention  to  the  pro- 
motion of  the  peaceful  pursuits  of  industry.  I  have 
been  surprised  by  the  amount  of  information  on 
commercial  subjects  which  is  possessed  by  those 
who  occupy  the  highest  positions,  and  perhaps  their 
knowledge  is  to  some  extent  attributable  to  the  fact 
that  our  reports  are  forwarded  to  them  under  the 

1.  Keprinted    from    the    official    report    of    the    visit   of    the 
Delegation    of   the    International    Federation    of    Master    Cotton 
Spinners'  and  Manufacturers'  Associations  to  Egypt,  Oct. — Nov. 

2.  The  Delegates  travelled  by    a  special  train   through  the 
Nile  Delta. 


EGYPT,  1912 

auspices  of  the  British  Foreign  Office.  That  has 
given  to  our  movement  a  prestige  which  no  other 
commercial  movement  has  ever  had. 


I  now  propose  to  deal  with  the  consideration  of 
international  trading  from  the  standpoint  of  practical 
experience.  Many  discussions  are  conducted  by 
those  who  have  not  had  opportunities  for  gaining 
the  practical  experience  that  my  public  work  during 
the  past  20  years  has  enabled  me  to  acquire.  This 
public  work  has  necessitated  the  taking  of  a  compre- 
hensive view  of  the  international  industries  which 
provide  the  main  factors  in  the  two  essentials  of 
existence,  viz.,  food  and  clothing,  and  the  two  are 
inseparably  bound  up  together. 

When  King  Edward  VII  and  Queen  Alexandra 
received  and  entertained  the  Committee  of  the  Inter- 
national Cotton  Fedration  at  Windsor  Castle  in 
1906,  his  Majesty,  in  referring  to  the  establishment 
of  the  International  Institute  of  Agriculture,  ex- 
pressed the  hope  that  it  would,  when  fully  developed, 
be  of  service  to  the  cotton  and  kindred  industries 
which  were  so  dependent  for  their  raw  material 
upon  the  tillers  of  the  soil.  This  hope  is  being 


It  has  been  my  privilege  to  be  associated  with  the 
inauguration  of  two  international  organisations 
which  have  played  an  important  part  in  bringing 


EGYPT,  1912 

the  nations  of  the  world  into  friendly  co-operation, 
the  first  being  the  International  Federation  of 
Master  Cotton  Spinners'  and  Manufacturers' 
Associations,  initiated  at  Zurich  in  1904,  with  its 
headquarters  in  Manchester,  and  embracing,  either 
in  its  membership  or  in  co-operation  with  it,  nearly 
all  the  countries  where  cotton  is  grown  or  manufac- 
tured; the  other  is  the  International  Institute  of 
Agriculture,  which,  on  the  recommendation  of  an 
American  citizen,  was  initiated  and  promoted  by  the 
King  of  Italy,  and  has  its  headquarters  in  Rome. 
In  the  International  Institute  of  Agriculture  no 
fewer  than  49  States  are  co-operating.  As  presi- 
dent of  the  International  Federation  of  Master 
Cotton  Spinners'  and  Manufacturers'  Associations 
I  was  appealed  to  in  the  initial  stages  of  the  Inter- 
national Institute  of  Agriculture  to  render  whatever 
assistance  was  possible  towards  the  promotion  of 
this  world-wide  movement,  an  appeal  which  I  at 
once  responded  to,  recognising  that  it  would  be  of 
immense  service  to  all  the  textile  industries  of  which 
cotton  is  the  chief.  I  feel  pleased  that  France, 
England,  and  Germany  were  among  the  first  of  the 
great  nations  to  support,  in  the  order  named,  the 
King  of  Italy's  scheme  to  promote  the  welfare  of 
the  agriculture  of  the  world.  Since  then  these  two 
international  organisations  have  worked  hand  in 
hand,  and  each  succeeding  year  emphasizes  the  view 
that  they  are  destined,  not  only  to  promote  the 
material  welfare  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  globe,  but 
by  the  dissemination  of  a  vast  amount  of  informa- 
tion regarding  the  conduct  of  the  industries,  which, 


EGYPT,  1912 

as  I  have  said  before,  provide  the  essentials  of  life, 
an  educational  work  is  being  carried  on  'which  is 
demonstrating  most  forcibly  the  entire  interdepen- 
dence of  the  nations  of  the  world.  When  the  Com- 
mittee of  the  International  Cotton  Federation  was 
entertained  by  the  British  Government  at  the  House 
of  Commons  in  1910,  Sir  Edward  Grey*  Secretary 
of  State  for  Foreign  Affairs,  in  commending  the 
work  of  the  International  Cotton  Federation,  said 
that  when  the  interdependence  of  the  nations  was 
fully  realised  the  peace  of  the  \vorld  will  be  assured. 
It  is  impossible  to  estimate  the  value  of  the  wide 
distribution  of  the  reports  of  the  work  of  these  inter- 
national organisations,  which  has  been  done  most 
extensively,  the  annual  reports  being  published  in 
the  best  known  languages  and  circulated  throughout 
the  world.  In  all  the  countries  in  which  Con- 
gresses, or  meetings  of  the  International  Cotton 
Committee,  have  been  held,  the  work  has  received 
the  personal  recognition  of  the  heads  of  the  States, 
and  the  cordial  support  of  prominent  statesmen. 

In  this  connection  I  might  say  that  another  inter- 
national movement  which  is  rapidly  assuming  large 
dimensions  has  been  established.  prefer  to  the 
International  Federation  of  Textile  Workers,  a 
movement  that  is  equally  demonstrating  the  inter- 
dependence of  the  nations. 


In  a  paper  which  was  read  at  the  seventh  Inter- 
national Cotton  Congress  held  in  Brussels  in  1910, 
the  magnitude  of  the  possibilities  of  the  cotton  in- 
dustry was  brought  out.  This  industry  supplies 


EGYPT,  1912 

nine-tenths  of  the  clothing  of  the  world's  inhabi- 
tants, and  it  is  estimated  that  out  of  a 
population  of  1,500,000,000  only  500,000,000  are 
completely  clothed,  750,000,000  are  partly  clothed, 
and  250,000,000  are  not  clothed  at  all.  Such  figures 
show  the  vastness  of  this  international  industry  and 
the  possibilities  of  its  development.  It  is  obvious 
that  this  can  only  be  effectively  carried  out  by  inter- 
national enterprise,  and  the  educational  process 
which  is  being  prosecuted  is  showing  the  growers 
of  the  raw  material  the  immense  possibilities  of  the 
development  of  their  industry  to  meet  the  ever- 
increasing  demand  for  cotton  clothing.  In  address- 
ing the  cotton  planters  of  the  Southern  States  of 
America  at  the  International  Convention  held  in 
Atlanta,  Georgia,  in  1907,  in  order  to  counteract  the 
view  they  took  that  the  higher  the  price  they  could 
get  for  cotton  the  better  their  interests  were  served, 
I  pointed  out  to  them  that  the  consumers  of  cotton 
goods  were  adversely  affected  by  a  great  enhance- 
ment in  the  cost  of  their  clothing,  which  had  the 
further  effect  of  reducing  the  consumption  of  cotton 
goods  and  the  employment  for  the  cotton  mills  of 
the  world.  1  further  pointed  out  to  the  planters 
that  their  best  interests  lay  in  the  scientific  cultiva- 
tion of  the  soil,  thus  increasing  the  yield  per  acre, 
which  would  enable  them  to  secure  adequate  re- 
muneration and  yet  to  sell  cotton  at  a  considerably 
lower  price.  This,  together  with  better  handling 
and  marketing,  which  further  reduces  expenses, 
would  ultimately  tend  to  the  prosperity  of  the 
growers,  the  manufacturers,  the  workers,  and  the 


EGYPT,  1912 

users  of  cotton  clothing.  The  mere  enumeration 
of  these  considerations  proves  what  can  be  accom- 
plished by  friendly  discussion  among  the  repre- 
sentatives of  the  nations,  demonstrates  the  inter- 
dependence of  the  nations,  and  shows  how  each  can 
contribute  to  the  prosperity  of  all.  In  writing  to  me 
subsequently,  President  Roosevelt  referred  to  the 
great  awakening  that  was  taking  place  in  the  United 
States  as  a  result  of  two  previous  visits  of  a  Lanca- 
shire Commission  of  cotton  experts,  and  of  the  Con- 
ference with  the  cotton  planters  at  Atlanta. 


Under  normal  conditions  the  demand  for  cotton 
productions  is  practically  unlimited.  During 
recent  years  the  supply  of  raw  cotton  has  been  short 
of  the  world's  requirements,  and  the  price  has  conse- 
quently ruled  high.  Although  England  holds  so 
commanding  a  position  in  the  cotton  trade  of  the 
world,  yet  her  policy  has  always  been  to  maintain 
the  open  door  wherever  her  influence  extends.  All 
nations  are  thus  placed  on  an  equal  footing  with 
England  in  meeting  the  demand  for  these  commodi- 
ties. Among  the  principal  aims  of  the  International 
Cotton  Federation  are  the  development  of  the  culti- 
vation of  cotton  in  all  parts  of  the  world  where  it 
can  be  grown  successfully  and  on  a  commercial 
basis,  compiling  statistics  regarding  the  industry, 
and  establishing  Courts  of  Arbitration  to  promote 
the  smooth  working  of  international  trading. 
Panels  have  already  been  appointed  in  most  of  the 
countries  included  in  the  Federation.  The  Inter- 
national Institute  of  Agriculture  encourages  the 


EGYPT,  1912 

more  scientific  cultivation  of  all  crops,  and  also 
publishes  reliable  statistics  regarding  the  crops  of 
the  world  and  their  consumption. 

The  interests  of  all  who  cultivate  the  soil,  as  well  as 
of  all  who  manufacture  raw  materials  into  clothing, 
the  distributors  and  consumers,  have  to  be  con- 
sidered. For  example,  the  cotton  planter  must  get 
an  adequate  price  to  remunerate  him  for  his  labour 
and  enterprise,  but  this  does  not  necessarily  mean 
a  high  price.  Scientific  methods  of  cultivation 
may  enable  the  grower  to  sell  his  commodity  at  a 
moderate  price,  which  will  pay  him  for  his  increased 
production  just  as  well  as  a  high  price  did  formerly. 
A  moderate  price  of  raw  cotton  enables  th&  manu- 
facturer of  cotton  goods  to  sell  his  productions  also 
at  a  moderate  price,  and  this  in  its  turn  results  in  a 
greater  consumption  of  cotton  clothing,  which  in- 
creases the  employment  for  the  cotton  mills  of  the 


It  is  obvious  that  if  the  industries  which  provide 
the  essentials  for  the  human  race  are  to  be  conducted 
with  the  breadth  of  vision  necessary  for  their  suc- 
cess, the  nations  of  the  world  must  work  together 
for  greater  efficiency,  and  in  doing  this  there  need 
be  no  greater  rivalry  between  nations  than  there  is 
between  individuals.  Individual  and  national 
rivalry  have  always  existed,  and  with  nations,  just 
as  with  individuals,  it  is  those  who  display  the 
greatest  energy  and  resource  who  are  the  most  suc- 
cessful. This  delegation,  representing  the  principal 
European  nations  and  Japan,  is  visiting  Egypt  for 


EGYPT,  1912 

the  purpose  of  encouraging  by  its  presence  the  work 
which  is  being  carried  on  by  the  Khedive,  the 
Egyptian  Government,  and  by  that  able  administra- 
tor, Lord  Kitchener.  Primarily,  this  work  is  in  the 
interests  of  the  Egyptians  themselves,  but  all  cotton- 
using  countries  will  also  benefit. 

All  other  industries  are  supplementary  or  sub- 
sidiary to  those  which  provide  food  and  clothing, 
and  upon  the  successful  conduct  of  industry  depends 
the  provision  for  the  defensive  forces  of  the  nations 
of  the  world. 


From  many  years'  experience  in  dealing  with  the 
relationship  between  capital  and  labour,  I  am  firmly 
convinced  that  strong  and  efficient  organisation  on 
both  sides  is  the  best  means  for  promoting  mutual 
respect  and  for  dealing  successfully  with  industrial 
disputes.  There  is  no  doubt  that  where  such 
organisation  exists  disputes  are  more  likely  to  be 
settled  harmoniously  than  where  one  side  is  weak 
and  the  other  strong,  or  where  both  sides  are  im- 
perfectly organised.  I  consider  also  that  the  inter- 
course which  takes  place  between  the  representa- 
tives of  capital  and  labour  tends  to  a  better  realisa- 
tion of  the  difficulties  of  each,  and,  above  all,  to 
bring  home  forcibly  the  fact  that  their  interests  are 
not  antagonistic,  but  that  they  are  identical,  and  that 
many  difficulties  can  only  be  surmounted  by  co- 
operation. On  the  other  hand,  it  becomes  apparent 
as  time  goes  on  that  industrial  strife  is  against  the 
interests  of  both  capital  and  labour. 

What  applies  to  the  conduct  of  industry  applies 

EGYPT,  1912 

equally  to  the  relationship  between  the  nations  of 
the  world.  Here  again  practical  experience  is  of 
the  utmost  value,  and  the  working  of  the  two  inter- 
national organisations  with  which  I  have  been 
associated  has  proved  conclusively  that  it  is  possible 
for  the  representatives  of  the  numerous  nations  of 
the  world  to  meet  together  in  friendly  conference, 
discuss  problems  that  concern  the  welfare  of  all,  and 
that  are  impossible  of  solution  except  by  the  co- 
operation of  all.  The  successful  and  harmonious 
work  of  these  organisations  shows  that,  notwith- 
standing the  great  increase  of  armaments,  the 
peoples  of  the  world  are  friends  at  heart. 

International  trade  demonstrates  the  dependence 
of  the  nations  upon  one  another.  I  may  quote,  as 
an  example,  the  trade  between  England  and  Ger- 
many, which  approaches,  in  round  figures, 
,£  1 20,000,000  annually;  that  between  England  and 
France  is  about  ^"80,000,000  annually.  Then  Eng- 
land uses  about  half  the  crop  of  cotton  which  is 
grown  in  Egypt,  the  other  half  being  distributed 
amongst  the  other  cotton-manufacturing  countries 
of  the  world. 

So  far  as  finance  is  concerned,  the  interests  of  all 
countries  are  also  closely  interwoven,  but  these  con- 
siderations, colossal  as  they  are,  would  be  far 
exceeded  in  dire  consequences  in  other  directions 
should  there  be  other  serious  complications.  In- 
deed, to  anyone  who  fully  realises  the  basis  on  which 
industry  and  commerce  exist,  it  must  be  apparent 
that  it  would  be  impossible  to  emerge  from  war 
without  irreparable  loss,  not  only  to  combatants  but 


EGYPT,  1912 

to  non-combatants.  I  fear,  speaking  generally,  that 
statesmen  and  diplomats  have  little  opportunities 
for  gauging  the  terrible  effects  war  would  have 
upon  the  ever-increasing  intricacies  connected  with 
the  carrying  on  of  industry  and  commerce,  and  the 
absolute  chaos  that  would  be  produced.  It  would 
be  well  if  there  were  more  intercourse  between  them 
and  the  leaders  of  industry  and  commerce,  so  that 
they  might  by  this  means  realise  more  fully  the  vast 
issues  that  are  involved,  which  would  certainly  tend 
to  the  exercise  of  greater  care  in  the  discussion  of 
difficulties  as  they  arise.  In  the  carrying  on  of  the 
international  movements  to  which  I  have  referred, 
all  the  nations  have  worked  perfectly  harmoniously. 
At  these  international  gatherings  it  is  impossible  to 
detect  racial  jealousies  or  that  the  delegates  belong 
to  so  many  different  nations.  Indeed,  the  delibera- 
tions are  animated  throughout  by  a  desire  to  deal 
with  the  industries  as  a  whole,  it  being  fully  realised 
that  each  nation  is  simply  carrying  on  its  own  part 
of  international  industry,  and  that  all  should  com- 
bine in  facing  problems  which  can  only  be  success- 
fully dealt  with  by  combination. 


With  such  experiences  I  am  at  a  loss  to  under- 
stand the  constantly  recurring  jealousies  and  mis- 
understandings between  nations,  which  I  cannot 
help  feeling  are  magnified  by  writers  who  do  not 
realise  the  gravity  of  the  issues  with  which  they  are 
dealing.  Mischief  is  so  often  brought  about  by 
want  of  thought  in  dealing  with  industrial  strife, 
which  in  a  minor  degree  has  the  same  disastrous 


EGYPT,  1912 

results  as  would  be  brought  about  by  war,  that  it  is 
earnestly  to  be  desired,  for  the  welfare  of  humanity, 
greater  care  will  be  exercised  in  the  future. 

Having  presided  over  numerous  conferences  that 
have  taken  place  in  connection  with  the  disputes 
which  have  occurred  in  the  cotton  industry  of  Eng- 
land during  the  past  20  years,  I  can  testify  to  the 
immense  value  of  the  round  table  conference,  both 
in  the  settlement  of  disputes  and  the  prevention  of 
industrial  strife,  and  I  feel  certain  that  the  adoption 
of  a  similar  course,  pursued  assiduously  in  inter- 
national disputes,  would  generally  lead  to  a  settle- 
ment and  prevent  recourse  to  war. 

I  do  not  share  the  Utopian  views  which  are  fre- 
quently expressed  regarding  disarmament,  much  .as 
their  realisation  is  to  be  desired.  Changes  in  the 
existing  state  of  affairs,  in  my  opinion,  cannot  be 
brought  about  rapidly  or  without  much  patient 
educational  work.  As  an  advocate  of  the  thorough 
organisation  of  capital  and  labour,  I  am  also  an 
advocate  of  thorough  efficiency  in  the  defensive 
forces  of  the  nations.  At  the  same  time  I  firmly 
believe  that  eventually,  with  the  advance  of  science 
and  the  spread  of  civilisation,  together  with  inter- 
national co-operation  to  promote  greater  efficiency 
in  carrying  on  the  world's  work,  ample  employment 
will  be  found  for  all,  which  would  tend  to  remove 
national  jealousies,  and  thus  help  materially  to 
ensure  the  peace  of  the  world. 



LOAN  OF  ,£3,000,000. 

A  Deputation  of  the  British  Cotton  Growing 
Association  waited  upon  the  Right  Hon.  H.  H. 
Asquith,  Prime  Minister,  in  London,  on  January 
23rd,  1913,  for  the  purpose  of  requesting  the  Govern- 
ment to  guarantee  a  loan  of  ,£3,000,000  for  the 
development  of  the  Sudan.  The  Prime  Minister 
was  accompanied  by  the  Right  Hon.  Sir  Edward 
Grey,  Bart.,  K.G.,  Secretary  of  State  for  Foreign 
Affairs,  the  Right  Hon.  D.  Lloyd  George,  Chan- 
cellor of  the  Exchequer,  and  the  Right  Hon.  Sydney 
Buxton,  President  of  the  Board  of  Trade.  The 
Deputation  was  introduced  by  the  Earl  of  Derby, 
G.C.V.O.,  C.B.,  President  of  the  Association,  and 
the  other  speakers  were  the  Duke  of  Marlborough, 
K.G.,  and  Sir  Charles  Macara,  Bart.,  Vice-Presi- 
dents, Mr.  J.  Arthur  Hutton,  Chairman  of  the 
Council  of  the  Association,  and  Mr.  A.  H.  Gill, 
M.P.,  one  of  the  members  of  the  Council,  repre- 
senting the  operatives  in  the  cotton  industry.  The 
speeches  were  businesslike  and  impressive.  Sir 
Charles  Macara,  who  dealt  with  the  subject  from  an 
international  standpoint,  said  :  — 



The  position  I  have  occupied  in  the  cotton  indus- 
try during  the  last  20  years,  both  nationally  and 
internationally,  has  necessitated  a  careful  study  of 
all  the  problems  that  have  to  be  faced  in  carrying 
on  this  great  industry,  which  plays  such  an  im- 
portant part  in  clothing  the  people  of  the  world. 
Since  the  British  Cotton  Growing  Association  was 
inaugurated  I  have  taken  a  very  deep  interest  in  the 
work  it  has  carried  on,  and  although  it  has  been 
quite  impossible  for  me  to  share  in  carrying  on  its 
every-day  work  I  have  never  lost  an  opportunity  of 
advocating  its  claims,  and  have  done  what  I  could 
to  secure  financial  support  from  the  Members  of  the 
Federation  of  Master  Cotton  Spinners'  Associations, 
of  which  I  am  the  President.  The  British  Cotton 
Growing  Association  has  appealed  to  me  in  a  variety 
of  ways,  perhaps  none  more  forcibly  than  its  having 
given  an  object-lesson  to  the  world  of  friendly  co- 
operation between  the  representatives  of  capital  and 
labour  in  promoting  a  movement  for  the  benefit  of 
the  industry,  upon  the  success  of  which  both  are 
equally  dependent.  I  have  on  many  occasions 
referred  to  this  with  pride  in  addressing  meetings 
of  business  men  in  numerous  parts  of  the  world. 
Moreover,  in  connection  with  the  work  of  the  Inter- 
national Cotton  Federation,  one  of  the  aims  of  which 
is  to  develop  the  existing  cotton  fields  and  to  open 
up  new  cotton  fields  in  any  part  of  the  world  where 
this  can  be  done  successfully,  the  work  of  the  British 
Cotton  Growing  Association  has  always  had  a 
prominent  place  in  the  annual  reports,  which  have 
been  printed  in  the  best  known  languages  and  circu- 



lated  throughout  the  world.  In  this  connection 
it  has  been  a  source  of  much  satisfaction  to  me  in 
meeting  Ministers  of  State  in  the  countries  I  have 
visited  to  hear  from  them  the  great  assistance  they 
have  received  in  developing  cotton  growing  in  the 
colonies  of  these  countries  from  the  experience1  they 
have  gained  by  perusing  the  reports  of  the  Inter- 
national Cotton  Federation. 


Any  narrow  views  that  I  may  at  one  time  have 
entertained  have  been  completely  dispelled  by  the 
experience  I  have  gained  in  visiting  the  principal 
countries  that  share  with  England  the  carrying  on 
of  the  cotton  industry  of  the  world,  and  I  have 
come  to  the  conclusion  that  it  matters  little  where 
cotton  is  grown,  but  the  great  problem  that  has  to 
be  solved  is  that  there  should  be  sufficient  cotton 
to  meet  the  rapidly-developing  requirements  brought 
about  by  the  march  of  civilisation  and  the  increase 
of  population.  It  must  be  remembered  that  still  a 
large  proportion  of  the  people  of  the  world  are  only 
partially  clothed  or  not  clothed  at  all.  The  price 
of  raw  material  for  carrying  on  the  cotton  industry 
is  a  most  important  factor,  and  when  I  state,  what 
I  have  frequently  stated  before,  that  an  increase  of 
2|d.  per  pound  on  the  world's  cotton  crop  means 
,£100,000,000,  it  will  be  seen  that  this  is  a  serious 
factor  in  the  prosperity  of  the  industry,  as  it  reduces 
the  consumption  of  cotton  clothing,  which  is  the 
clothing  of  the  poorest  people  of  the  world,  and  by 
so  doing  it  is  obvious  that  the  employment  of  the 
mills  is  also  reduced.  The  position  to-day  is  that 



cotton,  through  anticipated,  scarcity  of  supply,  is 
over  2d .  a  pound  above  what  it  was  1 2  months  ago.  It 
must  also  be  remembered  that  scientific  cultivation 
is  a  great  factor  in  increasing  the  yield  and  so 
reducing  the  price  at  which  the  planter  can  sell  his 
cotton  and  retain  a  satisfactory  profit.  It  was 
decided  by  the  Committee  of  the  International 
Cotton  Federation  in  June  last  that  a  delegation 
representing  the  countries  included  in  the  Federa- 
tion sho.uld  visit  Egypt  in  November  to  study  the 
conditions  under  which  the  Egyptian  crop  is  grown, 
handled,  and  marketed,  and  the  developments  that 
are  going  on.  This  delegation  was  on  the  same 
lines  as  the  one  which  visited  the  cotton-growing 
States  of  America  in  1907.  The  report  of  the  dele- 
gation to  Egypt  will  be  issued  very  shortly,  but  I 
may  say  that  all  the  delegates  were  immensely  im- 
pressed with  the  splendid  agricultural  methods 
which  are  in  vogue  in  Egypt,  and  the  magnificent 
resource  that  is  displayed  by  the  Khedival  and  the 
British  agricultural  societies  by  taking  advantage 
of  scientific  methods  and  also  in  reclaiming  land, 
this  work  being  carried  on  under  the  direction  of 
Lord  Kitchener,  who,  I  may  say,  is  enthusiastic 
about  the  possibilities.  My  colleagues  and  I  were 
immensely  impressed  with  what  is  going  on,  and 
are  convinced  that  an  early  and  considerable  in- 
crease in  the  supply  of  Egyptian  cotton  is  practically 


In  addition  to  meeting  Lord  Kitchener  and  his 
staff  and  some  large  agriculturists,   I   also  met  in 



Cairo,  Sir  Reginald  Wingate,  the  Sirdar,  and  had 
a  most  cordial  invitation  from  him  to  visit  the 
Sudan,  which  unfortunately  I  was  unable  to  accept. 
It  was  arranged,  however,  that  the  Secretary  of  the 
International  Cotton  Federation  shoulcf  go  to  the 
Sudan,  and  his  report  is  now  being  printed  and  will 
be  issued  shortly  ;  it  will  amplify  and  endorse  every- 
thing that  the  Chairman  of  the  British  Cotton 
Growing  Association  has  said.  Indeed,  I  have  the 
utmost  confidence,  with  such  men  as  Lord 
Kitchener,  Sir  Reginald  Wingate,  and  others,  that 
the  development  of  cotton  growing  in  Egypt  and 
the  Sudan  will  solve  more  rapidly  the  problem  of 
increasing  the  supply  of  cotton  than  could  be  done 
in  some  of  the  other  parts  of  the  world  where  new 
cotton  fields  are  being  developed,  and  at  the  same 
time  will  be  of  immense  benefit  to  these  countries. 
I  hope  that  a  broad  view  will  be  taken  by  the  British 
Government  of  the  proposition  that  has  been  placed 
before  them  to-day.  It  must  never  be  overlooked 
that  although  other  countries  are  developing  their 
cotton  industry,  England  has  developed  much  more 
rapidly  than  any  of  them,  and  that  practically  all 
the  countries  of  the  world  are  customers  of  England 
for  cotton  goods,  that  England's  cotton  industry 
depends  for  about  three-quarters  of  its  employment 
on  export  trade,  that  cotton  goods  represent  about 
one-third  of  the  total  exports  of  manufactures,  that 
the  cotton  which  can  be  produced  in  Egypt  and  the 
Sudan  is  of  the  utmost  importance  to  England,  as 
she  consumes  more  of  this  class  of  cotton  for  her 
fine  manufactures  than  all  the  other  countries  of  the 



world  combined.  I  would  like  to  mention  that  the 
British  cotton  industry  provides  directly  the  liveli- 
hood for  millions  of  people  and  indirectly  for 
millions  more.  In  conclusion,  I  would  like  to 
emphasize  that  Egypt  has  spent  enormous  sums  in 
the  development  of  the  Sudan,  and  the  time  has 
certainly  come  when  England  must  materially  assist 
in  this  direction.  I  hope  that  all  these  matters  will 
receive  the  serious  consideration  that  they  certainly 




On  Nov.  4th,  1912,  the  delegates  drove  to  the 
British  Agency,  on  the  banks  of  the  Nile,  where  they 
were  received  by  Field-Marshal  Viscount  Kitchener 
of  Khartoum,  British  Agent  and  Consul-General. 

After  having  a  private  conversation  with  Sir 
Charles  Macara  in  his  room,  and  after  receiving  the 
members  of  the  Committee,  Lord  Kitchener  led  the 
way  to  the  terrace,  where  the  whole  of  the  delegates 
were  introduced  to  him.  At  the  conclusion  of  this 
ceremony,  Lord  Kitchener,  after  offering  a  hearty 
welcome  to  his  visitors,  said  :  — 

I  hope  your  inspection  of  the  cotton  industry  in 
its  centre  here  will  be  profitable  not  only  to  your- 
selves but  to  Egypt  also.  Your  secretary  last 
year  gave  us  a  very  valuable  report  on  his  visit. 
In  that  report  there  were  many  hints  which  have 
done  a  great  deal  to  improve  the  work  out  here 
in  regard  to  cotton  cultivation.  I  am  sure  we  all 
owe  him  a  debt  for  the  trouble  he  took  in  making 
that  report.  I  hope  your  present  visit  wrill  in- 
crease our  knowledge.  You  have  had  oppor- 
tunities of  seeing  the  qualities  of  the  fellah  who 
cultivates  the  soil,  and  I  think  if  he  would  pay  a 

1  Reprinted    from    the    official    report    of  the    visit    of    the 

Delegation    of    the    International    Federation  of    Master    Cotton 

Spinners'  and  Manufacturers'  Associations  to  Egypt,  Oct. — Nov. 



little  more  attention  to  the  cotton  when  it  is  being 
picked  and  being  stored,  and  would  discriminate 
a  little  better  in  the  seed  which  he  uses,  we 
should  have  more  improvements.  I  have  no 
doubt  that  will  come.  I  think  it  will  come  per- 
haps through  the  small  purchaser  in  Egypt,  who 
goes  round  and  buys  in  the  various  places  where 
cotton  is  produced.  If  we  can  get  the  fellaheen 
to  take  their  cotton  to  more  general  centres,  and 
the  small  merchant  to  know  better  the  quality  of 
the  cotton  and  to  buy  only  the  best,  the  fellah 
will  know  it  is  -no  use  to  produce  an  article  which 
is  inferior.  That  experience  will  teach  him  much 
better  than  we  can  tell  him.  The  small  mer- 
chant now  buys  up  all  he  can,  regardless  of 
quality,  but  if  we  can  get  a  better  price  for  the 
good  cotton,  and  encourage  means  of  discrimi- 
nating between  good  and  bad,  it  will  be  good  for 
the  fellah ;  he  will  learn  that  it  is  worth  his  while 
to  cultivate  the  best  article. 

As  regards  seed,  the  Director-General  of  the 
Agricultural  Department  is  making  experiments 
in  new  seed,  and  we  should  like  your  advice  as  to 
two  new  qualities  of  seed  which  we  have  got.  I 
am  sure  if  we  know  exactly  what  you  want  we 
shall  be  able  to  produce  it.  We  have  only  got 
a  very  small  quantity  of  the  seed  so  far,  and  it  will, 
I  think,  take  five  years,  during  which  the  greatest 
care  will  have  to  be  paid  in  our  Agricultural 
Department,  to  enable  the  seed  to  go  out  freely 
into  the  country,  and  to  be  of  use  to  you.  It  is 
just  as  well  to  know  at  once  that  we  are  on  the 


right  lines.  I  hope  some  of  you  will  give  us  an 
opinion  as  to  whether  these  two  products  of  our 
work  for  some  time  now  in  seed  cultivation  are 
really  what  you  want.  I  hope  you  will  give  a 
better  price.  One  of  the  great  requirements  of 
Egypt  is  a  good  price  for  cotton,  and  we  look  to 
you  to  keep  it  up.  If  we  do  all  we  can  to  pro- 
duce the  article  which  you  require  we  ask  you  to 
keep  it  at  a  good  price,  so  that  our  people  shall 
be  happy  and  anxious  to  produce  the  cotton 
which  you  require. 

Sir  CHARLES  MACARA  said  :  On  behalf  of  my  col- 
leagues and  myself,  I  want  to  thank  your  Lordship 
most  heartily  for  the  reception  which  you  have 
accorded  us  to-day  at  a  time  when  heavy  responsi- 
bilities, arising  from  a  disturbed  state  of  Eastern 
Europe,  rest  upon  you.  Since  we  arrived  in  Egypt 
we  have  had  the  most  hospitable  reception.  The 
arrangements  have  been  splendid.  Everything  has 
passed  off  without  a  hitch.  Here  we  have  seen 
exactly  the  opposite  of  what  we  saw  in  America  in 
1907,  when  we  travelled  4,600  miles  through  the 
Southern  States.  We  were  distinctly  disappointed 
to  find  that  America,  which  we  all  thought  was  an 
up-to-date  country,  was  very  far  behind  in  agricul- 
tural methods.  In  Egypt  we  have  been  immensely 
struck  by  your  methods,  and  by  the  possibilities 
that  lie  before  you.  And  I  can  assure  you  that  it 
is  a  matter  of  supreme  interest  to  the  cotton  industry 
of  the  world  that  Egypt  should  extract  from  the  soil 
as  much  cotton  as  possible.  Egyptian  cotton  is 
used  for  the  purpose  of  making  the  highest  class  of 



cqtton  fabrics,  England  taking  half  the  crop  and 
other  nations  the  other  half.  This  branch  of  the 
cotton  industry  is  developing  much  more  rapidly 
than  any  other  branch,  possibly  because  we  now 
produce  cotton  fabrics  which  only  an  expert  can 
differentiate  from  silk.  For  these  fabrics  the  best 
of  cotton  is  required,  and  where  the  quality  is  good 
there  is  no  reason  why  the  price  should  not  be  good 

As  for  the  cotton  trade  in  general,  we  should  like 
to  see  all  possible  steps  taken  to  improve  the  culti- 
vation of  cotton.  On  experimental  farms  in  America 
we  saw  land  which  had  been  producing  half  a  bale 
an  acre,  with  very  little  extra  expense,  under 
scientific  cultivation  producing  three-quarters  of  a 
bale  an  acre.  Our  desire  is  to  pay  the  planter  a  fair 
price,  and  at  the  same  time  to  keep  the  cost  of  the 
raw  material  moderate.  A  moderate  price  encour- 
ages a  larger  consumption  of  cotton  goods  than  is 
the  case  when  the  cost  is  excessively  high,  as  it  has 
been  for  the  last  few  years.  I  do  not  think  there 
is  anything  to  which  your  Lordship  can  devote  your 
great  abilities  more  important  than  the  encourage- 
ment of  the  growth  of  cotton  in  Egypt.  Cotton 
growing  will  largely  benefit  the  people,  and  we  are 
very  anxious  that  the  natives  should  have  full  re- 
muneration and  full  encouragement  to  cultivate 
cotton  and  to  improve  its  quality  as  much  as  they 
can.  The  object  of  the  International  Federation  is 
to  promote  smooth  relationships  between  those  who 
carry  on  the  growing  of  the  raw  material,  and  those 
who  manufacture  it.  We  want  to  create  confi- 



dence,  and  I  think  there  is  nothing  more  likely  to 
do  that  than  that  those  who'  spin  and  manufacture 
should  come  into  contact  with  those  who  grow  the 
raw  material.  There  are  very  great  difficulties  in 
the  cultivation — we  get  to  know  that  wherever  we 
go — and  there  are  also  great  difficulties  connected 
with  the  manufacture.  The  more  intercourse  there 
is  between  those  engaged  in  the  industry  the  more 
likely  we  are  to  be  successful.  My  motto  always 
has  been  "  Live  and  let  live."  We  want  all  to  do 
well.  I  assure  you  that  our  reception  here  to-day 
has  given  great  satisfaction  to  my  colleagues  and 
myself,  and  we  thank  you  heartily  for  receiving  us. 

LORD  KITCHENER  :  I  should  like  to  refer  to  one 
other  point — the  question  of  drainage.  We  hear 
very  often  that  the  land  in  Egypt  has  generally 
deteriorated.  That  is  not  the  case.  The  land  is 
as  good  as  it  was,  but  in  places  it  has  become  water- 
logged, and  a  great  many  acres  have  gone  out  of 
cultivation  or  have  very  much  reduced  their  acreage 
under  cotton,  owing  to  the  water-logged  state. 

On  that  account  the  Government  is  taking  up  a 
big  scheme  of  drainage.  That  scheme  has  to  be 
on  a  very  large  scale,  otherwise  it  would  be  useless, 
and  I  have  no  doubt  the  effect  of  it  will  be  to  add 
a  very  much  larger  area  to  the  l^nd  under  cotton 
cultivation  than  there  has  been  in  the  past.  Work 
of  that  sort,  of  course,  takes  many  years  to  accom- 
plish :  four  or  five  years  will  elapse  before  the  results 
will  be  apparent.  If  you  come  again  in  five  years 
or  so  we  hope  we  shall  be  able  to  show  you  a  much 
bigger  aera  under  cultivation,  and  perhaps  better 



produce  than  is  now  being  cultivated.  The  amount 
we  now  turn  out  per  feddan  is  about  live  cantars,  a 
very  good  proportion.  I  do  not  think  you  will  get 
it  in  any  other  country  in  the  world.  This  year 
we  shall  have  a  bumper  crop,  I  think.  I  don't 
think  we  have  ever  had  as  much  cotton  as  we  shall 
have  this  year.  I  do  not  know  exactly  what  it  will 
be,  perhaps  under  8,000,000  cantars,  and  if  next 
year  we  go  on  increasing  I  suppose  it  will  help  you 
all  in  your  manufactures.  I  am  very  glad  to  have 
seen  you,  and  hope  you  will  enjoy  your  visit  to 






We,  the  undersigned,  on  the  occasion  of  the 
assembly  in  Paris  of  the  Fifth  Annual  International 
Congress  of  Delegated  Representatives  of  Master 
Cotton  Spinners'  and  Manufacturers'  Associations, 
desire  to  express  to  you,  and  to  place  on  permanent 
record  our  high  appreciation  of  the  many  invaluable 
and  voluntary  services  which  you  have  rendered  to 
the  Cotton  Industry  of  the  World. 

The  experience  which  you  have  acquired  as 
President  of  the  English  Federation  of  Master 
Cotton  Spinners'  Associations  since  1894  has 
eminently  qualified  you  for  leading  recent  Inter- 
national movements,  and  in  referring  to  these 
movements  we  specially  desire  to  record  the 
prominent  part  you  took  ia  the  initiation  of  the 
International  Federation  of  Master  Cotton  Spinners' 
and  Manufacturers'  Associations  in  19x34,  the  excep- 
tional ability  which  you  have  displayed  as  Chairman 
of  the  Committee  of  that  Organisation  from  its 
inception  ;  and  your  Presidency  of  the  Second  Inter- 
national Congress  which  was  held  in  Manchester 
and  Liverpool  in  1905,  when  the  International 
Federation  was  formally  constituted. 

We  desire,  further,  to  record  our  sincere  apprecia- 
tion of  your  compliance  with  the  unanimous  wish 
of  the  Committee  of  the  International  Cotton 



Federation  that  you  should  organise  and  lead  the 
Delegation  representing-  European  Cotton  interests 
which  attended  the  Atlanta  Conference  last  Autumn, 
and  which  subsequently  made  the  tour  of  the  Cotton 
growing  States  of  America.  The  Atlanta  Confer- 
ence was,  we  consider,  the  most  comprehensive 
international  assembly  of  the  various  sections  of  the 
Cotton  interests  ever  called  together,  there  being 
present  Representatives  of  the  Cotton  Planters' 
Associations  of  the  Southern  States  of  America ;  of 
American  and  European  Associations  of  Cotton 
Spinners  and  Manufacturers;  and  of  the  Cotton 
Exchanges  of  the  World. 

We  recognise  that. these  International  Movements 
with  which  you  have  been  so  prominently  associated, 
have  been  of  inestimable  benefit  to  all  engaged  in 
the  Cotton  industry,  that  they  have  not  only  created 
a  deep  impression  upon  the  Governments  of  the 
Countries  specially  interested  in  the  personal  recog- 
nition of  Sovereigns  and  Heads  of  States  wherever 
the  International  Meetings  have  been  held,  but  that 
they  have  fostered  friendly  relations  amongst  the 
peoples  of  many  nations  and  have,  in  a  marked 
degree,  contributed  to  the  promotion  of  International 
peace  and  goodwill. 

We  are,  dear  Sir, 

Yours  faithfully, 
Paris,   June    1908. 


President,  First  Intei'national  Cotton  Congress, 
Zurich,  1904;  Vice-Chairman,  International 
Cotton  Committee,  representing  Switzerland ; 
President,  Schweizerischer  Spinner-  Zweiner-  und 
Weber-Verein,  Switzerland. 



President,  Fifth  International  Cotton  Congress, 
Paris,  1908;  Joint  Hon.  Treasurer,  International 
Cotton  Committee,  representing  France,  Syndicat 
General  de  1'Industrie  Cotoniere  Franchise,  Paris, 

C.  0.  LANGEN, 

Joint  Hon.  Treasurer,  International  Cotton 
Committee,  representing  Germany,  nominated  in 
succession  to  the  late  Herr  Ferdinand  Gross, 
President  of  the  Third  International  Cotton 
Congress,  Bremen,  1906 ;  President,  Verband 
Rheinisch-Westfalischer  Baumwollspinner,  M. 
Gladbach,  Germany. 


President,  Fourth  International  Cotton  Congress, 
Vienna,  1907 ;  Member  of  the  International  Com- 
mittee, representing  Austria ;  President,  Verein 
der  Baumwollspinner  Oesterreichs,  Vienna, 


Member  of  the  International  Committee,  repre- 
senting England  ;  President,  North  and  North-east 
Lancashire  Cotton  Spinners'  and  Manufacturers' 
Association,  Manchester,  England. 


Member  of  the  International  Committee,  repre- 
sening  Japan ;  the  Japan  Cotton  Spinners' 
Association,  Osoka,  Japan. 


Member  of  the  International  Committee,  repre- 
senting Belgium ;  President,  Association  Coton- 
niere  de  Belgique,  Ghent,  Belgium. 

B.  W.  TER  KUILE, 

Member  of  the  International  Committee,  repre- 
senting Holland ;  Nederlandsche  Patroonsvereen- 
iging  van  Katoenspinners-en-wevers,  Enschede, 

Member  of  the  International   Committee,   repre- 
senting Portugal ;  President,  Associayao  Industrial 
Portuense,  Oporto,  Portugal 


Delegate,  representing  Norway ;  President, 
Bomuldsspindernes  og  Vsevernes  Gruppe  i  De 
norske  Tekstilfabrikanters  Forenung,  Christiana, 




Member  of  the  International  Committee,  repre- 
senting Italy ;  President,  Associazione  f  ra  gli 
Industrial!  Cotonieri  e  Borsa-Cotoni,  Milan, 


Member  of  the  International  Committee,  repre- 
senting Spain  ;  President,  Cotton  Section,  Fomento 
del  Trabajo  National,  Barcelona,  Spain. 


Delegate  representing  Russia  at  the  Zurich  Con- 
gress, 1904,  Moscow,  Russia. 

S.   M 

Delegate  representing  India  at  the  Bremen  (1906) 
and  Paris  (1908)  Congresses,  Cawnpore,  India. 

S.  A.  0.   NORTH, 

Director  Bureau  of  the  Census,  Department  of 
Commerce  and  Labor,  Washington,  D.C.,  United 
States  of  America. 


President,  The  National  Association  of  Cotton 
Manufacturers,  Boston,  Mass.,  United  States  of 

President,  Arkwright  Club,  Boston,  Massachussets, 
United  States  of  America. 


President,  International  Convention  of  Cotton 
Growers,  Spinners,  and  Manufacturers,  Atlanta, 
Georgia,  1907 ;  Past-President,  The  National 
Association  of  Cotton  Manufacturers,  Boston, 
Mass.,  United  States  of  America. 

S.    B.    TANNER, 

President,  American  Cotton  Manufacturers' 
Association,  Charlotte,  N.C.,  United  States  of 


President,  Southern  Cotton  Association  (Plan- 
ters) ;  and  President,  Sea-Island  Cotton  Associa- 
tion (Planters),  Atlanta,  Ga.,  United  States  of 




Lord  Crewe,  who  was  accompanied  by  Sir 
Thomas  Holderness,  K.C.S.I.,  Permanent  Under- 
secretary of  State  for  India,  and  by  Mr.  Francis  C. 
Drake,  Secretary  of  the  Revenue  and  Statistics 
Department,  received  the  Deputation  in  the  India 
Office  on  July  22nd,  1913,  at  three  o'clock  in  the 

The  Deputation  consisted  of  the  following 
Members  of  the  International  Cotton  Federation  :  — 
Sir  Charles  W.  Macara,  Bart.  (President),  J.  B. 
Tattersall,  C.  O.  Langen,  C.  Berger,  Jean  de  Hemp- 
tinne,  S.  Watanabe",  S.  M.  Johnson,  J.  F.  Bradbury, 
N.  M.  Gokuldas,  Gordohandas  Khauta,  J.  W. 
McConnel,  S.  Newton  (Ashton-under-Lyne),  J. 
Hilton  (Oldham),  J.  Thorpe  (Oldham),  R.  Worswick 
(Rawtenstall).  And  the  following  Lancashire 
Members  of  Parliament:  E.  R.  B.  Denniss,  M.P. 
for  Oldham ;  A.  W.  Barton,  M.P.  for  Oldham ;  Dr. 
Charles  Leach,  M.P.  for  Colne  Valley;  T.  C. 
Taylor,  M.P.  for  S.E.  Radcliffe ;  P.  Wilson  Raffan, 



M.P.  for  Leigh;  Major  the  Hon.  G.  F.  Stanley, 
M.P.  for  Preston;  A.  A.  Tobin,  K.C.,  M.P.  for 
Preston;  A.  H.  Gill,  M.P.  for  Bolton ;  H.  Nuttall, 
M.P.  for  Stretford. 

Sir  Charles  W.  Macara,  Bart.,  introducing    the 
deputation,  said  : 
My  Lord  Marquess,— 

This  is  the  fourth  occasion  on  which  an  Inter- 
national delegation  has  waited  upon  the  Secretary 
of  State  for  India  for  the  purpose  of  urging  as 
strongly  as  possible  the  necessity  for  everything 
being  done  that  can  be  done  to  improve  the  quality 
and  extend  the  cultivation  of  cotton  in  India. 

The  International  Federation  of  Master  Cotton 
Spinners'  and  Manufacturers'  Associations  includes 
in  its  membership,  or  has,  in  co-operation  with  it, 
practically  all  the  cotton  growing  and  cotton  manu- 
facturing countries  of  the  world ;  and  it  has  become 
increasingly  evident  that  the  problems  connected 
with  the  supply  of. the  raw  material  of  the  world's 
cotton  industry  can  only  be  dealt  with  effectually 
by  international  co-operation. 

Five-eighths  of  the  cotton  crop  of  the  world  is 
provided  by  the  United  States  of  America,  and  it 
is  from  India  that  the  next  largest  supply  comes. 
The  present  season's  crop  of  Indian  cotton,  it  is 
estimated,  will  amount  to  6,000,000  bales  of  about 
4Oolbs.  each,  and  when  I  mention  that  the  cotton 
crop  of  the  world  now  averages  over  20,000,000 
bales  of  an  average  weight  of  soolbs.  each,  it  will 
show  what  an  important  factor  the  Indian  cotton 
crop  is  in  the  supply  of  the  raw  material  for  this 



industry,  which  plays  the  chief  part  in  clothing  the 
people  of  the  world. 

The  development  in  the  cultivation  of  Indian 
cotton  has  been  very  marked  during  recent  years, 
and  if  the  present  season's  crop  reaches  6,000,000 
bales,  as  it  anticipated,  its  total  value  at  the  present 
prices  will  amount  to  something  like  ^50,000,000. 

I  attribute  much  of  this  increased  cultivation  to 
the  educational  work  that  has  been  carried  on 
throughout  the  world  by  the  International  Cotton 
Federation,  and  which  has  brought  about  co-opera- 
tion between  cotton  growers  and  cotton  manufac- 
turers and  the  Governments  chiefly  concerned  in 
the  welfare  of  this  great  international  industry. 
In  this  connection  I  would  like  to  acknowledge 
the  valuable  co-operation  of  your  Lordship's 
Department,  together  with  that  of  the  Government 
of  India. 

Statistics  show  that  the  cotton  crop  of  the  world 
is  now  about  three  times  greater  than  it  was  35  to 
40  years  ago,  but  notwithstanding  this  remarkable 
development,  it  is  obvious  to  those  who  study 
future  requirements,  that  the  extension  of  the  cotton 
fields  of  the  world  must  proceed  much  more  rapidly 
than  has  been  the  case,  if  the  raw  material  is  to  keep 
pace  with  the  demand  for  cotton  goods.  It  is 
therefore  apparent  that  in  India,  which,  owing  to 
exceptional  circumstances,  is  capable  of  much  more 
rapid  development  than  any  other  part  of  the  world, 
no  effort  should  be  spared  to  bring  about  this  much- 
needed  development.  A  study  of  the  Annual  and 
the  special  Reports,  issued  by  the  International 



Cotton  Federation  since  its  inauguration  in  1904, 
will  show  that  this  important  subject  has  received 
a  large  share  of  attention,  and  that  an  adequate 
supply  of  Indian  cotton  is  a  matter  of  supreme 
interest,  not  only  to  India  itself,  but  to  Japan,  Ger- 
many, France,  Italy,  and  Belgium,  and  to  a  smaller 
extent  to  Lancashire.  But  no  narrow  view  of  the 
question  must  be  taken,  for  the  greater  the  supply 
of  cotton  from  India  for  those  countries  which  can 
use  it  largely,  the  greater  will  be  the  quantity  of 
those  other  qualities  of  cotton  more  suitable  to  the 
requirements  of  the  English  cotton  industry  which 
is  engaged  in  producing  a  much  larger  proportion 
of  the  finer  qualities  of  goods  than  other  countries, 
which  are  exported  to  practically  all  the  countries 
of  the  world. 

At  the  Ninth  International  Cotton  Congress, 
which  was  held  in  Holland  last  month,  the  Inter- 
national Committee  decided  that  the  International 
Secretary  should  make  a  third  visit  to  the  cotton 
growing  districts  of  India  during  the  autumn  of 
this  year.  I  feel  sure  your  Lordship  will  again 
extend  to  him  the  generous  assistance  which  so 
facilitated  his  work  on  the  occasion  of  his  two 
previous  visits. 



The  great  industrial  upheaval  which  we  have  been 
experiencing  has  led  to  the  suggestion  of  various 
remedies  for  mitigating  or  preventing  a  recurrence 
of  such  a  state  of  things.  There  is  no  subject  of 
more  vital  importance  to  the  national  welfare  than 
that  of  the  maintenance  of  harmonious  relationships 
between  Capital  and  Labour. 

Those  who  occupy  the  foremost  positions  in  our 
great  industries,  on  the  side  of  both  Capital  and 
Labour,  have  heavy  responsibilities,  and  it  is 
necessary  that  these  responsibilities  should  be 
adequately  realised,  as  the  welfare  of  the  nation 
depends  to  a  great  extent  upon  these  industries 
being  conducted  in  a  statesmanlike  manner, 
especially  in  view  of  their  interdependence.  It  is 
impossible  for  one  of  the  half-dozen  great  staple 
industries  to  be  paralysed  without  the  others  being 
more  or  less  seriously  affected.  Much  has  recently 
been  said  about  the  repudiation  of  agreements 
entered  into  between  Capital  and  Labour,  but  I 
hold  that  in  most  cases  where  repudiation  has  taken 
place  it  is  largely  due  to  the  absence  of  proper 
organisation.  I  think  it  can  be  proved  that  where 

1.  Contributed  by  Sir  Charles  W.  Macara,  Bart.,  to  the 
"  Financial  Review  of  Reviews,"  Oct.  1911. 



the  organisations  on  both  sides  are  efficient  it  is 
exceedingly  rare  that  agreements  have  not  been 
loyally  kept. 

Many  years  have  passed  since  I  first  advocated 
the  establishment  of  a  tribunal  for  dealing  with 
deadlocks  in  labour  disputes.  Until  recently  this 
advocacy  was  carried  on  without  publicity,  and 
although  I  had  had  for  some  time  grave  misgivings 
as  to  the  industrial  position,  I  scarcely  expected  such 
a  demonstration  as  we  have  recently  experienced. 

Although  for  many  years  I  have  occupied  the 
prominent  and  onerous  position  of  President  of  the 
Master  Cotton  Spinners'  Federation,  the  proposals 
which  I  have  made  for  the  settlement  of  labour 
disputes  have  been  launched  in  my  private  capacity. 
These  proposals  were  addressed  simultaneously  to 
prominent  members  of  all  industries.  This  I  have 
done  largely  through  the  co-operation  of  the  heads 
of  the  principal  municipalities,  which  have  assisted 
me  in  ascertaining  the  views  of  leaders  of  Capital 
and  Labour  in  their  respective  localities. 

Except  when  specially  requested  to  do  so,  I  have 
not  approached  the  organisations  of  either  em- 
ployers or  workmen,  as  the  scheme  does  not  inter- 
fere in  any  way  with  the  public-spirited  and  abso- 
lutely necessary  work  of  those  organisations  or  of 
the  Conciliation  Boards  which  have  been  estab- 
lished. Its  purpose  is  to  deal  with  deadlocks,  and 
onlv  when  all  existing''  means  of  settlement  have 

J  c_5 

failed.  During  my  twenty  years'  connection  with 
the  cotton  trade  employers'  organisations  I  have 
had  a  wide  experience  of  all  the  anxieties  attending 



industrial  disputes  in  this  great  industry ;  most  of 
these  disputes  have  been  settled,  but  some  have 
been  fought  to  the  bitter  end,  involving  acute  suffer- 
ing to  the  workers,  great  losses  to  the  employers 
and  to  the  community  as  a  whole. 

No  matter  how  complete  the  arrangements  may 
be  for  dealing  with  industrial  disputes,  they  some- 
times fail  to  effect  their  purpose,  and  the  parties 
resort  to  a  trial  of  strength.  When  this  takes  place 
each  side  stands  on  its  dignity,  fearing  that  an 
advance  towards  conciliation  may  prejudice  its 
position ;  hence  the  necessity  for  the  creation  of  a 
new,  impartial,  non-political  Government  Depart- 
ment to  deal  with  these  deadlocks. 

Let  me  by  way  of  illustration  explain  the  modus 
operandi  of  dealing  with  disputes  in  the  cotton 
spinning  industry.  In  November,  1892,  a  dispute 
arose  which  led  to  a  cessation  of  work  of  the  Federa- 
tion Mills  for  twenty  weeks.  This  was  eventually 
settled  by  an  Industrial  Treaty  which  has  since 
been  known  as  the  Brooklands  Agreement. 

This  agreement  declares  in  its  preamble  that 
"  the  representatives  of  the  employers  and  the 
representatives  of  the  employed  hereby  admit  that 
disputes  and  differences  between  them  are  inimical 
to  the  interests  of  both  parties,  and  that  it  is 
expedient  and  desirable  that  some  means  should 
be  adopted  for  the  future  whereby  such  disputes 
and  differences  may  be  expeditiously  and  amicably 
settled  and  strikes  and  lockouts  avoided." 

All  matters  of  difference  likely  to  arise  in  the 
carrying  on  of  the  industry  are  provided  for  with 



much  minuteness,  yet  there  is  one  vital  flaw  in  this 
Agreement,  viz.,  that  it  does  not  provide  for  dead- 
locks. This  Agreement  has  for  eighteen  years 
regulated  the  negotiations  between  employers  and 
operatives  in  the  spinning  branch  of  the  cotton  in- 

As  in  most  industries  any  lengthened  dislocation 
arising  in  one  section  causes  the  others  eventually 
to  stop,  so  in  an  industry  of  such  magnitude  as  the 
cotton  industry,  which,  in  addition  to  providing 
for  our  home  requirements,  represents  one-third  of 
our  total  exports  of  manufactures,  a  lengthened 
dislocation  has  a  most  serious  effect  upon  all  indus- 
tries, and  indeed  upon  our  national  welfare. 

The  Brooklands  Agreement  has  formed  a  basis 
of  most  of  the  agreements  which  have  been  entered 
into,  since  it  was  formulated,  between  employers 
and  employed  in  the  other  staple  industries.  Sup- 
ported on  both  sides  by  strong  organisations,  the 
Brooklands  Agreement  has  been  faithfully  kept, 
although  differences  of  opinion  as  to  the  reading 
of  some  of  its  clauses  have  arisen  from  time  to  time. 
Where  a  clause  has  been  shown  to  operate 
inequitably  as  between  one  side  and  the  other, 
amendments  have  been  made.  The  satisfactory 
working  of  this  Agreement  is  shown  by  the  fact 
that  although  disputes  have  frequently  reached  an 
acute  stage,  only  on  two  occasions  has  an  entire 
rupture  occurred,  both  being  brought  about  by  one 
section  of  the  operatives,  but  affecting  the  whole 
industry.  This  is  a  vast  change  from  the  eighteen 
years  prior  to  the  signing  of  the  Brooklands  Agree- 



ment,  when  strikes  and  lockouts  were  very  frequent. 
Had  this  state  of  things  continued,  there  is  little 
doubt  that  half  the  cotton  trade  of  England  would 
have  been  lost. 

Some  particulars  of  the  operation  of  the  Brook- 
lands  Agreement  in  dealing  with  disputes  may  be 

If  a  grievance  in  any  particular  mill  occurs  and 
the  complaint  of  the  operatives  cannot  be  satisfac- 
torily dealt  with  by  the  employer,  the  secretary  of 
the  local  Employers'  Association  and  the  local 
Trade  Union  secretary  immediately  take  the  matter 
in  hand  with  a  view  to  satisfactorily  settling  the 
dispute.  If  they  fail,  a  small  Joint  Committee  of 
the  local  Associations  on  both  sides  is  summoned. 
The  meeting  must  be  held  within  seven  days,  and 
is  attended  by  three  representatives  from  the 
respective  associations  of  employers  and  operatives 
along  with  their  secretaries.  Should  these  fail  to 
arrive  at  a  settlement,  the  matter  is  then  taken  out 
of  the  hands  of  the  local  Associations  and  referred 
to  the  Operatives'  Amalgamation  and  the 
Employers'  Federation,  and  a  joint  meeting,  which 
must  be  held  within  seven  days,  is  arranged,  and 
the  dispute  is  adjudicated  upon  by  an  entirely 
different  joint  committee. 

In  the  case  of  disputes  affecting  the  trade  as  a 
whole,  these  are  dealt  with  by  the  Employers' 
Federation  on  the  one  hand  and  the  Operatives' 
Amalgamation  on  the  other.  A  joint  meeting  for 
the  discussion  of  the  complaint  or  demand  must 



be  held  after  the  stipulated  month's  notice  is  given 
by  either  side. 

With  the  other  regulations  which  have  to  be  ob- 
served a  considerable  time  must  elapse  before  a 
crisis  is  reached  either  in  a  local  or  general  dispute. 

At  the  close  of  a  general  dispute  in  1905,  in  the 
spinning  section  of  the  cotton  industry,  a  clause 
was  added  to  the  terms  of  settlement  which  bound 
both  sides  to  meet  for  the  purposes  of  formulating 
a  scheme  for  the  regulation  of  wages  according 
to  the  state  of  trade.  A  scheme  for  this  purpose 
was  afterwards  formulated  which  provides  three 
sets  of  experts,  who  are  not  only  independent  of 
the  employers  and  operatives,  but  are  each  indepen- 
dent of  the  other,  the  first  dealing  with  the  pur- 
chase of  the  raw  material,  the  second  with  the  sale 
of  the  yarn,  and  the  third  with  the  gross  margin 
arrived  at  between  the  price  paid  for  the  raw 
material  and  the  price  obtained  for  the  yarn,  and 
from  this,  to  ascertain,  after  deducting  all  the 
expenses  (which  vary  according  to  the  time  under 
review),  what  return  is  left  on  the  capital  employed, 
and  whether  a  rise  or  fall  in  wages  in  accordance 
with  the  Brooklands  Agreement  is  warranted.  It 
will  be  seen  that  all  speculation  for  a  rise  or  fall  in 
the  market  is  entirely  eliminated.  The  Brooklands 
Agreement  does  not  admit  of  more  or  less  than  a 
5  per  cent,  rise  or  fall  in  wages  at  a  time.  After  an 
experimental  test  of  this  scheme  had  been  made  at 
mutually  selected  mills,  it  was  agreed  there  should 
be  no  change  of  wages  for  five  years  from  July, 
1910,  and  that  v\-hen  a  change  was  made,  either  up 



or  down,  it  should  be  made  for  two  years,  instead 
of  twelve  months  as  originally  provided  for  by  the 
Brooklands  Agreement. 

In  an  industry  so  highly  technical  as  that  of 
cotton  spinning  only  those  engaged  in  the  industry 
can  be  expected  to  have  either  the  knowledge  or 
the  experience  which  would  entitle  them  to  give 
an  opinion  upon  technical  points  of  dispute  when 
they  arise,  but  this  last  process  for  dealing  with  a 
dispute  regarding  the  rise  or  fall  in  wages  from 
which  the  greatest  fear  of  deadlock  is  to  be  expected, 
would  materially  assist  an  Industrial  Court  to 
arrive  at  an  equitable  decision.  Notwithstanding 
everything  that  has  been  done  there  is  always  a 
possibility  of  a  break-off  of  negotiations,  therefore 
means  must  be  found  for  trying  to  prevent  a  strike 
or  lockout  beginning,  or  for  bringing  the  dis- 
putants together  when  this  occurs  for  the  purpose 
of  settling  the  dispute,  and  this  is  where  the  work 
of  the  proposed  Industrial  Court  would  begin.  In 
the  cotton  spinning  industry  the  intervention  of 
third  parties  has  never  been  popular  either  with 
employers  or  operatives.  Where  intervention  has 
taken  place,  the  good  offices  of  the  third  parties 
have  been  confined  almost  entirely  to  convening  a 
conference  of  the  disputants  when  they  had  broken 
off.  Disputes  have  always  ultimately  been  settled 
by  negotiations  carried  on  between  the  parties 
themselves.  The  interdependence  of  industries 
and  the  suffering  inflicted  by  a  strike  upon  such  a 
large  proportion  of  the  community  who  have  no 
voice  in  the  dispute  renders  it  necessary  that  sooner 



or  later  intervention  in  a  dispute  in  one  of  the  staple 
industries  must  come  if  the  disputants  themselves 
will  not  agree  to  a  settlement.  This  being  the  case, 
I  contend  that  it  would  be  to  the  benefit  of  everyone 
— employers,  workers,  and  the  community  at  large, 
if  an  industrial  court  existed  to  which  reference 
could  be  voluntarily  made  when  a  deadlock  in  the 
negotiations  has  ensued. 

In  July  last,  during  the  dispute  in  the  various 
transport  trades,  I  ventured  for  the  first  time  to 
make  public  the  plan  which  I  had,  until  then,  been 
advocating  privately,  to  prevent  if  possible  the  re- 
currence of  such  an  industrial  upheaval  as  that 
from  which  we  were  then  suffering — an  upheaval 
which  completely  paralysed  the  trade  of  the  greatest 
commercial  centre  of  the  world,  involving  enor- 
mous loss  to  the  community,  and  causing  intense 
suffering  amongst  the  poor,  the  families  of  the 
strikers  being  perhaps  the  greatest  sufferers. 

Briefly,  the  scheme  which  I  have  proposed  would 
involve  the  creation  of  a  new  department,  with  a 
permanent  non-political  chairman,  deputy,  and 
staff,  together  with  an  advisory  body  consisting  of 
the  men  both  on  the  side  of  Capital  and  Labour 
who  hold  the  most  prominent  positions  in  connec- 
tion with  the  staple  industries  of  the  country,  men 
who  have  had  to  deal  with  the  general  disputes 
which  have  occurred  from  time  to  time  in  these 
industries.  Of  course  the  proposed  advisory  body 
would  only  be  called  together  in  the  event  of  a  dead- 
lock arising  in  disputes  affecting  the  staple  indus- 
tries, which  are  interdependent  and  which  seriously 



affect  the  national  welfare.  Smaller  disputes  would 
be  dealt  with  by  the  permanent  official  staff. 

The  work  of  this  new  department  is  not  intended 
to  interfere  in  the  slightest  degree  with  the  existing 
organisations  of  employers  or  workmen  or  existing 
Conciliation  Boards.  I  am,  and  always  have  been, 
entirely  in  favour  of  collective  bargaining.  I  want 
to  see  both  the  employers'  and  the  workmen's 
organisations  as  strong  as  possible.  What  my 
scheme  suggests  is  that  when  efficiently  organised 
bodies  come  to  a  deadlock  in  negotiations  over  a 
disputed  matter  they  should  take  their  case  before 
a  tribunal  capable  of  giving  an  impartial  decision. 
My  proposals  follow  the  lines  of  the  Brooklands 
Agreement  in  the  cotton  industry.  The  dispute 
would  be  taken  for  the  time  being  out  of  the  hands 
of  the  combatants.  They  would  be  free  to  accept 
the  offices  of  the  independent  tribunal  and  state 
their  case  to  men  representing  the  widest  experience 
of  both  Capital  and  Labour.  There  is  no  sugges- 
tion of  arbitrarily  enforcing  that  tribunal's  deci- 
sion. On  the  contrary,  both  parties  will  have  per- 
fect freedom  to  reject  or  accept  it,  and  my  proposals 
contain  nothing  to  prevent  the  employers  ultimately 
declaring  a  lockout  or  the  workmen  coming  out  on 
strike.  What  the  tribunal  would  ensure  is  that 
the  matters  in  dispute  would  have  calm  and  dis- 
passionate consideration,  and  as  a  consequence  the 
finding  of  the  tribunal  would  carry  great  weight. 

Before  such  a  tribunal  as  I  suggest,  I  am  con- 
vinced that  genuine  grievances  would  receive  a  fair 
hearing  and  exorbitant  demands  would  be  con- 



demned.     Capital  and  Labour  each  has  its  rights, 
which  in  the  interests  of  both  must  be  respected. 

The  publicity  given  to  my  scheme  evoked  the 
widest  support  in  the  press,  and  there  have  been 
many  advocates  of  its  adoption.  On  July  I7th  last, 
Mr.  Asquith  (Prime  Minister),  replying  to  a  ques- 
tion by  Mr.  G.  N.  Barnes  (Blackfriars  Division, 
Glasgow),  said  :  — 

"  My  attention  has  been  called  to  the  letter1  to 
which  my  honourable  friend  has  referred.     I  can 
assure  him  that  any  feasible  and  properly  sup- 
ported   plan    which    might    tend    to    prevent    or 
shorten     industrial     warfare    would    receive    the 
earnest  attention  of  the  Government." 
With  a  view  to  obtaining  support  for  proposals 
which  I  felt  sure  would  commend  themselves  very 
generally,  I  put    myself    into   communication  with 
the  heads  of   the  great   municipalities   throughout 
the   United   Kingdom,   inviting  their  co-operation 
and  through  them  the  support  of  prominent  repre- 
sentatives of  Capital  and  Labour  in  their  localities. 
In  a  very  short  time   I   found  that  my   proposals 
were  viewed  with  sympathy  all  over  the  country. 
Although  this  work  was  begun  and  has  had  to 

1  The  letter  referred  to  was  written  by  me  to  the  Lord  Mayor 
of  Manchester  on  July  10th  last,  dealing  with  the  subject.  I 
was  much  aided  at  the  commencement  of  my  work  by  the  Lord 
Mayor  of  Manchester  (Mr.  Chas.  Behrens),  who  not  only  heartily 
endorsed  the  proposals  but  lent  his  great  influence  to  secure  their 
adoption.  The  admirable  letter  which  he  wrote  me  in  support  of 
the  scheme  must  have  produced  a  deep  impression  upon  the  other 
chief  magistrates  whose  co-operation  was  invited. 



be  carried  on  during  the  principal  holiday  season 
of  the  year,  the  response  has  been  of  the  most  en- 
couraging character.  The  heads  of  many  of  our 
large  municipalities,  captains  of  industry  and  com- 
merce, and  many  of  the  best  known  labour  leaders 
in  the  great  industries,  have  signed  the  memorial  in 
favour  of  my  proposals,  and  I  am  receiving  addi- 
tional support  daily,  on  the  return  to  business  after 
the  holidays,  from  those  who  were  unable  to 
respond  on  account  of  absence. 

On  August  1 5th,  by  invitation  of  the  Prime 
Minister  and  the  President  of  the  Board  of  Trade, 
the  Presidents  of  some  of  the  most  important 
federations  of  employers  met  at  10,  Downing  Street, 
for  an  informal  exchange  of  views  on  the  industrial 
position,  and  later  in  the  day  a  corresponding 
meeting  of  leading  representatives  of  the  large  trade 
unions  was  also  held.  Although  considerable  dis- 
appointment has  been  expressed  that  no  announce- 
ment of  the  result  of  these  meetings  has  yet  been 
issued,  I  have  it  on  the  highest  authority  that  the 
Government  is  giving  the  most  careful  considera- 
tion to  the  whole  question  of  the  amicable  settlement 
of  industrial  disputes. 

Various  schemes,  including  the  Bill  promoted  by 
Mr.  Will  Crooks,  M.P.,  have  been  brought  forward 
for  the  settlement  of  labour  disputes.  In  most,  if 
not  all  of  these,  there  is  an  element  of  compulsion. 
My  long  experience  has  taught  me  that  compulsion 
is  not  practicable.  Although  by  the  adoption  of 
compulsory  measures  there  may  have  been  some 
degree  of  success  in  the  colonies,  it  must  not  be  lost 



sight  of  that  the  industries  there  are  of  small  dimen- 
sions compared  with  those  in  the  United  Kingdom. 

I  have  been  informed  that  in  Australia,  where 
a  strike  had  been  declared  and  carried  on  in  direct 
opposition  to  the  law,  the  strikers  marched  in  pro- 
cession declaring  that  they  had  broken  the  law  with 
intent,  asking  the  authorities  at  the  same  time  to 
lock  them  up.  It  will  be  readily  seen  that  even 
with  a  body  of  10,000,  or  perhaps  20,000  men,  how 
impossible  was  the  situation  in  Australia.  How 
much  more  would  it  be  with  industries  employing 
hundreds  of  thousands  of  workmen. 

As  an  illustration  of  the  interdependence  of 
industries,  I  might  cite  the  instance  of  how  seri- 
ously the  Lancashire  and  Yorkshire  Railway  Com- 
pany is  affected  by  a  prolonged  dispute  in  the 
cotton  industry,  and  vice  versa.  A  dispute  in  the 
transport  services  has  recentlr  had  the  effect,  not 
only  of  stopping  20  million  spindles,  but  of  paralys- 
ing two  of  the  greatest  distributing  centres  in  the 
world — Manchester  and  Liverpool.  The  effects  of 
the  dispute  are  to  be  found  in  the  enormous 
pecuniary  loss  which  the  community  has  suffered. 

I  have  tried  to  show  that  the  creation  of  an  In- 
dustrial Tribunal  is  a  matter  of  supreme  importance 
to  the  national  welfare,  and  it  is  to  be  hoped  that 
everyone  will  realise  the  absolute  necessity  for  pro- 
viding efficient  means  for  dealing  with  our  indus- 
trial position  as  a  whole. 

In  conclusion,  I  will  summarise  the  main  points 
of  my  scheme  and  the  advantages  which  would 
accrue  if  my  proposals  were  put  into  operation  :  — 



1.  The  most  experienced  men  connected  with  the 

conduct  of  the  great  industries,  and  repre- 
senting both  Capital  and  Labour,  would  be 
brought  into  close  personal  contact. 

It  is  clear  to  me  that  if  we  are  to  main- 
tain our  industrial  and  commercial  pre- 
eminence, those  representative  men  must 
take  a  more  prominent  position  than  they 
have  done  hitherto  in  dealing  with  the 
great  problems  affecting  both  industry  and 

2.  To  the  Industrial  Tribunal  could  be  referred 

all  problems  for  dealing  adequately  with  the 
industrial  position  as  a  whole. 

3.  All    industries   are    interdependent,   and    indi- 

vidual industries  are  frequently  paralysed  by 
disputes  arising  with  one  section  of  that  in- 

4.  Efficient    organisation,   on    both    sides,    being 

necessary  for  the  conduct  and  smooth  work- 
ing of  all  industries,  it  follows  that  recogni- 
tion by  representatives  of  Capital  of  the  right 
of  workmen  to  combine  and  to  confer  is 

5.  Experience  in  the  past  has  proved  that  there  is 

little  chance  of  agreements  being  repudiated 
when  both  sides  are  efficiently  organised. 

6.  Conversely,    when   either  the    employers'    or 

workmen's  organisations  are  inefficient  the 
repudiation  of  both  leaders  and  agreements 
may  follow. 



7.  It  is  doubtful  if  any  legal  enactment  could  be 

formulated  which  could  compel  large  bodies 
of  men  to  work  if  they  decided  not  to  work, 
and,  equally,  no  law  could  be  formulated 
which  could  compel  them  to  keep  agreements 
entered  into  between  representatives  of 
Capital  and  Labour. 

8.  A  fair  hearing  of  a  case  in  dispute  by  an  im- 

partial tribunal,  and  the  publicity  given,  if 
necessary,  to  the  hearing  and  to  the  award, 
would  ensure  the  redress  of  just  grievances 
on  the  one  hand,  and  the  resistance  of  un- 
reasonable demands  on  the  other. 

9.  The  great  "third  party,"  which  includes  not 

only  the  organised  workers  in  other  trades, 
but  the  army  of  unorganised  workers,  and 
the  innumerable  commercial  and  other 
interests  which  would  be  seriously  prejudiced 
by  a  strike  or  lock-out,  would  join  forces  in 
their  denunciation  of  either  a  strike  or  lock- 
out which  was  entered  upon  without  the 
matter  in  dispute  being  referred  to  the  Indus- 
trial Tribunal,  or  in  the  event  of  non-accept- 
ance of  the  award,  after  submission  to  the 

This  power,  together  with  the  support 
of  the  Press,  exercised  against  a  strike  or 
lock-out  entered  into  and  continued  with- 
out applying  to  the  Court,  or  against  the 
Court's  award,  would  be  the  most  powerful 


influence  that  could  be  exerted  in  termi- 
nating such  a  dispute,  and  it  would  go  far 
to  render  both  strikes  and  lock-outs  un- 

10.  Interference  with  the  right  to  strike  or  to  lock-" 

out  would  probably  seriously  militate  against 
the  efficiency  of  the  organisation  of  both 
sides.  All  that  can  be  done  is  make  it 
extremely  difficult  for  the  dislocations  to 

11.  It  must  always  be  remembered  that  the  adop- 

tion of  my  proposals  would  not  interfere  with 
any  existing  organisation  of  employers  or 
workpeople,  or  with  any  conciliation  board. 
The  Industrial  Tribunal  would  only  be 
brought  into  operation  when  these  had  failed 
to  effect  settlements. 

C.  W.  MACARA. 


After  the  publication  of  the  foregoing  article  in 
the  FINANCIAL  REVIEW  OF  REVIEWS  the  following 
statement  was  issued  by  the  Board  of  Trade,1  dated 
October  loth,  1911  :  — 

His  Majesty's  Government  have  recently  had 
under  consideration  the  best  means  of  strengthen- 
ing and  improving  the  existing  official  machinery 
for  settling  and  for  shortening  industrial  disputes 
by  which  the  general  public  are  adversely  affected. 
With  this  end  in  view,  consultations  have  recently 

1.  Government  Blue  Book  Report  on  Enquiry  into  Industrial 
Agreements.     Cd.  6952.     1913. 



taken  place  between  the  Prime  Minister  and  the 
President  of  the  Board  of  Trade,  and  a  number  of 
representative  employers  and  workmen  specially 
conversant  with  the  principal  staple  industries  of 
the  country  and  with  the  various  methods  adopted 
in  those  industries  for  the  preservation  of  peaceful 
relations  between  employers  and  employed. 

Following  on  these  consultations,  and  after  con- 
sideration of  the  whole  question,  the  President  of 
the  Board  of  Trade,  on  behalf  of  His  Majesty's 
Government,  has  established  an  Industrial  Council 
representative  of  employers  and  workmen.  The 
Council  has  been  established  for  the  purpose  of 
considering  and  of  inquiring  into  matters  referred 
to  them  affecting  trade  disputes ;  and  especially  of 
taking  suitable  action  in  regard  to  any  dispute 
referred  to  them  affecting  the  principal  trades  of 
the  country,  or  likely  to  cause  disagreements  involv- 
ing the  auxiliary  trades,  or  which  the  parties  before 
or  after  the  breaking  out  of  a  dispute  are  themselves 
unable  to  settle. 

In  taking  this  course  the  Government  do  not 
desire  to  interfere  with  but  rather  to  encourage  and 
to  foster  such  voluntary  methods  or  agreements  as 
are  now  in  force,  or  are  likely  to  be  adopted  for  the 
prevention  of  stoppage  of  work  or  for  the  settlement 
of  disputes.  But  it  is  thought  desirable  that  the 
operations  of  the  Board  of  Trade  in  the  discharge 
of  their  duties  under  the  Conciliation  Act,  1896, 
should  be  supplemented  and  strengthened,  and  that 
effective  means  should  be  available  for  referring 
such  difficulties  as  may  arise  in  a  trade  to  investiga- 



tioii,  conciliation,  or  arbitration,  as  the  case  may 

The  Council  will  not  have  any  compulsory 

The  following  gentlemen,  in  their  individual 
capacity,  have  accepted  Mr.  Sydney  Buxton's  invi- 
tation to  serve  on  the  Council  :  — 


Mr.  George  Ainsworth. — Chairman  of  the  Steel  Ingot  Makers' 

Sir  Hugh  Bell,  Bt.,  J.  P.— President  of  the  Iron,  Steel  and 
Allied  Trades  Federation,  and  Chairman  of  the  Cleveland  Mine 
Owners'  Association. 

Sir  G.  H.  Claughton,  Bt.,  J.P. — Chairman  of  the  London  and 
North-Western  Railway  Company. 

Mr.  W.  A.  Clowes. — Chairman  of  the  London  Master  Printers' 

Mr.  J.  H.  C.  Crockett. — President  of  the  Incorporated  Federated 
Associations  of  Boot  and  Shoe  Manufacturers  of  Great  Britain 
and  Ireland. 

Mr.  F.  L.  Davis,  J.P.— Chairman  of  the  South  Wales  Coal 
Conciliation  Board. 

Mr.  T.  L.  Devitt. — Chairman  of  the  Shipping  Federation, 

Sir  Thomas  R.  Ratcliffe  Ellis. — Secretary  of  the  Lancashire  and 
Cheshire  Coal  Owners'  Association  and  Joint  Secretary  of  the 
Board  of  Conciliation  of  the  Coal  Trade  of  the  Federated 
Districts,  etc. 

Mr.  F.  W.  Gibbins.— Chairman  of  the  Welsh  Plate  and  Sheet 
Manufacturers'  Association. 

Sir  Charles  W.  Macara,  Bt.,  J.P. — President  of  the  Federation 
of  Master  Cotton  Spinners'  Associations. 

Mr.  Robert  Thompson,  J.P.,  M. P. —Past  President  of  the 
Ulster  Flax  Spinners'  Association. 


Mr.  Alexander  Siemens. — Chairman  of  the  Executive  Board  of 
the  Engineering  Employers'  Federation. 

Mr.  J.  W.  White. — President  of  the  National  Building  Trades 
Employers'  Federation. 


Right  Hon.  Thomas  Burt,  M.P. — General  Secretary  of  the 
Northumberland  Miners'  Mutual  Confident  Association. 

Mr.  T.  Ashton,  J.P. — Secretary  of  the  Miners'  Federation  of 
Great  Britain  and  General  Secretary  of  the  Lancashire  and 
Cheshire  Miners'  Federation. 

Mr.  C.  W.  Bowerman,  M.P. — Secretary  of  the  Parliamentary 
Committee  of  the  Trades  Union  Congress  and  President  of  the 
Printing  and  Kindred  Trades  Federation  of  the  United  Kingdom. 

Mr.  F.  Chandler,  J.P. — General  Secretary  of  the  Amalgamated 
Society  of  Carpenters  and  Joiners. 

Mr.  J.  R.  dynes,  J.P.,  M.P. — Organising  Secretary  of  the 
National  Union  of  Gasworkers  and  General  Labourers  of  Great 
Britain  and  Ireland. 

Mr.  H.  Gosling. — President  of  the  National  Transport  Workers' 
Federation  and  General  Secretary  of  the  Amalgamated  Society  of 
Watermen,  Lightermen,  and  Watchmen  of  River  Thames. 

Right  Hon.  Arthur  Henderson,  M.P. — Friendly  Society  of 

Mr.  John  Hodge,  M.P. — General  Secretary  of  the  British 
Steel  Smelters,  Mill,  Iron,  and  Tinplate  Workers'  Amalgamated 

Mr.  W.  Mosses. — General  Secretary  of  the  Federation  of 
Engineering  and  Shipbuilding  Trades  and  of  the  United  Pattern- 
makers' Association. 

Mr.  W.  Mullin,  J.  P.— President  of  the  United  Textile  Factory 
Workers'  Association  and  General  Secretary  of  the  Amalgamated 
Association  of  Card  and  Blowing  Room  Operatives. 

Mr.  E.  L.  Poulton. — General  Secretary  of  the  National  Union 
of  Boot  and  Shoe  Operatives. 

Mr.  Alexander  Wilkie,  J.P.,  M.P. — Secretary  of  the  Shipyard 
Standing  Committee  under  the  National  Agreement  of  1909  and 



General  Secretary  of  the  Shipconstructive  and  Shipwrights' 

Mr.  J.  E.  Williams. — General  Secretary  of  the  Amalgamated 
Society  of  Railway  Servants. 

Additions  may  be  made  to  the  above  list. 

The  members  of  the  Council  will  in  the  first  instance  hold  office 
for  one  year. 

Sir  George  Askwith,  K.C.B.,  K.C.,  the  present  Comptroller- 
General  of  the  Labour  Department  of  the  Board  of  Trade,  has 
been  appointed  to  be  Chairman  of  the  Industrial  Council  with 
the  title  of  Chief  Industrial  Commissioner,  and  Mr.  H.  J.  Wilson, 
of  the  Board  of  Trade,  to  be  Registrar  of  the  Council. 





The  following  is  an  extract  from  the  Times  report 
of  the  proceedings  in  the  House  of  Commons,  June 
I4th,  1912  : — 

Sir  G.  Toulmin  (Bury,  Lanes.)  asked  the  Prime 
Minister  whether  he  had  any  statement  to  make  in 
fegard  to  any  action  which  the  Government  pro- 
posed to  take  with  reference  to  industrial  unrest. 

Mr.  Asquith  :  From  the  experience  derived  from 
the  industrial  disputes  which  have  lately  occurred, 
it  has  become  evident  that  one  of  the  chief  difficul- 
ties in  the  way  of  peaceful  and  friendly  relations 
between  employers  and  men  is  the  want  of  effective 
methods  for  securing  the  due  observance  of  indus- 
trial agreements  by  both  sides.  Further,  where 
agreements  are  come  to  between  employers  and 
workmen  in  regard  to  conditions  of  employment, 
the  agreement,  though  binding  on  those  who  are 
parties  to  it,  is  not  binding  on  the  whole  of  the 
trade  or  district. 

These  matters  affect  the  employers  and  the  work- 
men alike,  and  it  seems  essential  to  ascertain — (i) 
what  is  the  best  method  of  securing  the  due  fulfil- 
ment of  industrial  agreements;  (2)  how  far  indus- 
trial agreements  which  are  made  between  repre- 



sentative  bodies  of  employers  and  of  workmen 
should  be  enforced  throughout  the  particular  trade 
or  district. 

The  Government  are  anxious  to  have  inquiry 
made  into  the  matter,  and  to  receive  advice  from 
those  best  qualified  to  give  it.  In  these  circum- 
stances they  propose  to  refer  the  above  question  to 
the  Industrial  Council,  which  is  representative  of 
the  employers  and  of  the  men  in  the  great  indus- 
tries of  the  country ;  to  request  the  Council  carefully 
to  consider  the  matter ;  to  take  such  evidence  as  they 
may  think  fit ;  and  to  report  to  the  Government  any 
conclusions  to  which  they  may  come.  The  view 
of  the  Government  has  been  strengthened  by  the 
following  resolution  of  the  Industrial  Council,  who 
considered  the  matter  yesterday  :— 

"  The  question  of  the  maintenance  of  industrial 
agreements  having  come  before  the  Industrial 
Council,  that  Council  are  of  opinion  that  this  sub- 
ject is  of  the  highest  importance  to  employers  and 
trade  unions  and  workpeople  generally,  and  would 
welcome  an  immediate  inquiry  into  the  matter." 
The  resolution  was  agreed  to  unanimously. 
The  Government  are,  therefore,  requesting  the 
Industrial  Council  to  undertake  the  inquiry,  and 
they  will  give  the  most  earnest  attention  to  any 
recommendations  which  the  Council  may  be  able 
to  make. 

Mr.  Bonar  Law  (Lancashire,  Bootle) :  Do  we 
understand  that  the  terms  of  the  reference  to  the 
Council  will  strictly  limit  them  not  merely  to  an 
inquiry  as  to  the  best  means  of  getting  agreements 



carried  out,  but  to  the  consideration  of  the  pro- 
posals made  by  the  Government  ?  Will  the 
reference  be  wider  than  is  indicated  in  the  right  hon. 
gentleman's  answer? 

Mr.  Asquith  repeated  the  terms  of  the  reference. 

Mr.  Bonar  Law  :  Does  not  the  second  head  of  the 
reference  limit  the  Industrial  Council  rather  more 
than  is  desirable  ?  Would  it  not  be  better  to  leave 
it  to  the  Council  themselves  to  consider  the  best 
method  of  inquiry  ? 

Mr.  Asquith  :  It  is  intended  that  they  should.  If 
the  right  hon.  gentleman  thinks  that  the  words  are 
not  adequate  for  the  purpose,  I  will  have  them  re- 
moulded. I  quite  agree  that  should  be  within  the 
purview  of  the  inquiry. 

Mr.  Ramsay  Macdonald  (Leicester,  Lab.):  Will 
the  Industrial  Council  have  power  to  spend  money 
in  the  furtherance  of  this  inquiry ;  will  the  Indus- 
trial Council  itself  sit  as  a  committee  of  inquiry; 
and  is  it  the  intention  of  the  Government  that  the 
evidence  taken  will  be  published  as  well  as  the 
report  of  the  Industrial  Council  ? 

Mr.  Asquith  :  In  regard  to  the  first  point,  what- 
ever funds  are  necessary  will  be  placed  at  the  dis- 
posal of  the  Industrial  Council.  I  take  it  that  they 
will  hear  relevant  evidence  from  whatever  quarter 
it  is  tendered.  As  to  the  publication  of  the  evi- 
dence, that  is  a  question  which  had  better  be  con- 
sidered later.  The  Government  will  consult  with 
the  Industrial  Council,  and  I  will  give  a  reply  on 

Mr.  Clynes  asked  whether  the  settlement  of  the 



Transport  Workers'  dispute  was  not  delayed  or 
prevented  by  the  refusal  of  the  employers  to  meet 
the  men. 

Mr.  Asquith  :  I  hardly  think  that  arises  out  of  my 
answer.     As  I  stated  two  days  ago,  so  far  as  the 
Government  are   concerned,   our   good   offices  are 
In  the  House  of  Commons  on  June  i8th  :  — 

Mr.  Ramsay  Macdonald  (Leicester,  Lab.)  asked 
the  Prime  Minister  whether  it  was  proposed  that 
the  Industrial  Council  was  to  take  evidence  in  the 
inquiry  into  industrial  agreements  in  public;  and 
whether  that  evidence  was  to  be  published. 

Mr.  Asquith  :  I  am  informed  that  the  Industrial 
Council  are  of  opinion  that  the  hearing  of  any  evi- 
dence which  the  Council  may  take  upon  the  matter 
referred  to  them  should  be  open  to  the  Press,  and 
the  notes  of  the  evidence  ultimately  be  published.1 

1.  This  enquiry  occupied  38  long  sittings,  92  witnesses  were 
examined,  and  a  Parliamentary  Blue  Book  (665  pages)  was  issued. 
Minutes  of  Evidence  taken  before  the  Industrial  Council  in 
connection  with  their  Enquiry  into  Industrial  Agreements.  Cd. 
6953.  1913. 



(Paper    read    by    Sir   Charles    W.    Macara,    Bart., 
before  the  British  Association  for  the  Advance- 
ment of  Science,   on   Wednesday,   September 
8th,   1915.) 

The  subject  we  have  to-day  met  to  discuss — viz., 
the  relationship  between  Capital  and  Labour — is 
one  of  supreme  importance  at  any  time,  but  more 
especially  so  at  a  time  of  national  crisis  such  as  that 
through  which  we  are  at  present  passing. 

In  the  early  days  of  the  war,  I  was  one  of  those 
approached  by  representatives  of  the  Government 
regarding  the  effect  the  war  would  have  upon  indus- 
try, and  what  could  be  done  to  minimise  the  disloca- 
tion that  was  certain  to  ensue  and  to  keep  the  work- 
people employed  as  much  as  possible. 

Recognising  the  colossal  task  with  which  the 
Government  was  confronted,  and  that  it  was  essen- 
tial that  the  assistance  of  the  most  experienced 
practical  men  should  be  taken  advantage  of,  I 
strongly  advocated  J;hat  all  existing  organisations 
of  capital  and  labour,  and  indeed  of  every  kind, 
should  be  at  once  brought  into  requisition  in  pre- 
ference to  forming  new  ones  to  deal  with  the  crisis. 
There  is  ample  correspondence  to  prove,  and  resolu- 
tions have  been  passed  and  published  shewing  that 
this  supremely  important  matter  has  been  urged  on 

1.  Reprinted  from  "  Credit,  Industry  and  War,"   1915,  edited 
A.  W.  Kirkaldy,  M.A. 



the  Government  without  avail.  Everyone  who  has 
had  experience  of  such  work  will  realise  that 
creating  new  organisations  cannot  be  efficiently 
carried  out  without  expenditure  of  much  time  and 
labour,  whereas  it  is  comparatively  easy  to  adapt 
existing  organisations  to  deal  with  great  and  sudden 
emergencies — and  time  is  an  all-important  factor. 

Having  visited  many  of  the  principal  countries  of 
the  world,  and  having  studied  their  methods  of 
working,  this  country  is  as  well  organised  as  any, 
but  the  Government  has  not  understood  how  to 
utilise  existing  organisations  as  they  should  have 
done,  and  in  this  respect  we  have  been  placed  at 
a  disadvantage  with  enemy  countries  whose  Govern- 
ments, on  the  outbreak  of  war,  at  once  utilised  all 
their  existing  organisations,  and  deputed  to  their 
most  experienced  industrial  and  commercial  organ- 
isers, definite  and  important  duties  in  connection 
with  the  carrying  on  of  the  war.  Had  this  been 
done  in  England,  instead  of  Ministers  keeping 
matters  in  their  own  hands,  it  is  my  opinion  that 
we  could  have  faced  this  great  upheaval  much  more 
effectively  than  has  been  the  case. 

Efficient  co-operation  of  the  industrial,  com- 
mercial, financial,  scientific,  transport,  and  labour 
interests  with  the  Government  would  have  enabled 
our  enormous  resources  to  have  been  brought  into 
requisition  from  the  very  commencement  of  the  war. 

As  it  is,  after  twelve  months  of  war  we  are  only 
now  realising  what  proper  co-ordination  of  all  our 
vast  resources  might  have  accomplished — indeed, 
the  difference  so  far  as  practical  results  are  con- 



cerned  between  thorough  organisation  and  the  re- 
verse can  scarcely,  be  comprehended.  It  is  un- 
fortunate that  the  services  of  men  who  have  led 
the  great  organisations  of  capital  and  labour  have 
not  been  taken  advantage  of  to  anything  like  the 
extent  they  should  have  been. 

Had  this  co-operation  between  the  various  organ- 
isations existed,  it  might  have  been  possible  to  have 
dealt  more  effectively  with  the  problems  connected 
with  the  supply  of  the  necessaries  of  life,  which,  I 
pointed  out  to  the  Government,  would  not  only  con- 
stitute the  chief  difficulty  in  carrying  on  the  war, 
but  would  be  the  main  factor  in  terminating  the 
struggle.  Certainly,  so  far  as  this  country  is  con- 
cerned, much  might  have  been  done  to  prevent  the 
undue  rise  in  prices  which  has  inflicted  hardships 
upon  all,  and  especially  on  the  working  people,  and 
has  been  the  main  cause  of  the  industrial  unrest 
that  exists.  On  the  other  hand,  nothing  could 
have  been  more  splendid  than  the  response  of  the 
nation  to  the  call  to  arms,  and  the  magnificent  and 
unprecedented  heroism  and  self-sacrifice  which  have 
been  displayed — but,  again,  the  failing  has  been 
the  want  of  co-ordination  of  the  resources  in  men 
with  the  resources  for  the  production  of  the  muni- 
tions of  war,  which  I  believe  the  National  Register 
will  speedily  remedy. 

It  is  useless,  however,  dwelling  upon  the  errors 
of  the  past  which  cannot  now  be  altered,  and  the 
only  object  in  referring  to  them  is  that  in  the  future 
full  advantage  may  be  taken  of  the  experience 



gained,  so  that  the  vast  resources  of  the  nation  may 
be  utilised  to  the  fullest  extent. 

My  long  connection  with  the  cotton  industry,  one 
of  the  greatest  and  most  complex  of  our  national 
interests,  has  compelled  my  giving  a  large  amount 
of  attention  to  the  relationship  between  capital  and 
labour,  not  in  this  industry  alone,  but  has  brought 
me  into  close  personal  touch  with  many  of  the 
leaders  of  capital  and  labour  in  other  staple  indus- 
tries, all  of  which  are  interdependent. 

It  has  been  my  endeavour  over  a  long  term  of 
years  to  impart  as  much  information  as  possible 
regarding  what  might  be  considered  the  employers' 
view  of  the  carrying  on  of  the  industries  to  those 
who  were  selected  by  the  working  people  to  safe- 
guard their  interests.  By  so  doing  I  felt  that  the 
realisation  of  the  employers'  and  workpeople's 
interests  being  identical,  would  go  a  long  way  to 
smoothing  over  the  differences  which  from  time  to 
time  arise,  and  would  help  to  prevent  disputes  re- 
garding the  division  of  the  profits  of  industry,  and 
also  to  promote  mutual  respect  for  the  rights  of 

I  attribute  the  comparative  freedom  from  general 
stoppages  in  the  cotton  industry  during  the  past 
twenty  years — an  immense  change  from  the  condi- 
tions that  obtained  in  the  previous  twenty  years — 
to  the  operation  of  the  famous  Charter  which  termi- 
nated the  twenty  weeks'  struggle  in  1892-93,  and 
which  declares  in  its  preamble  that  "  the  representa- 
tives of  the  employers  and  the  representatives  of  the 
employed  hereby  admit  that  disputes  and  differences 



-  -iS3 


between  them  are  inimical  to  the  interests  of  both 
parties,  and  that  it  is  expedient  and  desirable  that 
some  means  should  be  adopted  for  the  future  where- 
by such  disputes  and  differences  may  be  expediti- 
ously  and  amicably  settled  and  strikes  and  lock-outs 
avoided."  Other  important  factors  are  the  educa- 
tional work  that  has  been  extensively  carried  on, 
and  the  co-operation  of  the  representatives  of  the 
operatives  with  the  representatives  of  the  employers 
in  the  promotion  of  public-spirited  movements  for 
the  maintenance  and  extension  of  an  industry  which 
plays  such  a  prominent  part  in  our  national  welfare. 
I  have  endeavoured  to  carry  this  educational  work 
still  further,  and,  after  numerous  conferences,  a  plan 
was  devised  and  has  now  been  in  operation  for  a 
number  of  years,  whereby  outside  experts,  who  are 
independent  of  both  workpeople  and  employers,  and 
each  independent  of  the  other,  are  brought  in,  and 
by  the  aid  of  a  tabulation  of  thoroughly  reliable 
statistics  it  is  possible  to  shew  accurately  the  profits 
of  the  industry  at  any  given  time  or  over  a  period 
of  years.  This  scheme  provides  automatic  arbitra- 
tion without  an  arbitrator. 

Another  great  factor  in  preventing  wages  dis- 
putes in  the  cotton  trade  during  the  past  twenty 
years  has  been  the  limiting  of  the  percentage  of  the 
rise  and  fall  of  wages,  and  also  that  when  any 
change  has  taken  place  a  certain  time  must  elapse 
before  any  further  change  can  occur.  It  is  much 
to  be  desired  that  this  condition  could  be  agreed 
upon  in  all  industries.  When  fully  explained,  the 
simplicity  of  the  scheme  for  ascertaining  profits  and 



its  fairness  is  at  once  apparent,  and  I  believe  it  is 
capable  of  being  adapted  to  almost  any  industry. 
Disputes  very  often  arise  from  an  exaggerated  view 
of  the  return  on  capital  invested  in  industry  gener- 
ally, and  if  some  means  can  be  devised  by  which 
this  can  be  fairly  accurately  gauged  it  would  often 
prevent  unreasonable  demands  being  made  by  work- 
people or  the  refusals  on  the  part  of  employers  to 
share  in  prosperity. 

When  industries  are  well  organised  on  both  sides, 
and  vicissitudes  arise  which  may  render  it  necessary 
to  temporarily  curtail  production,  co-operation 'be- 
tween the  organisations  of  employers  and  work- 
people might  be  requisitioned  with  most  beneficial 

Feeling  strongly  that  many  disputes  might  be 
avoided  by  thorough  investigation  by  practical  men 
when  a  deadlock  arises,  I  conceived  the  idea  of  the 
Government  appointing  a  body  consisting  of  an 
equal  number  of  thoroughly  experienced  representa- 
tives of  capital  and  labour  connected  with  the  staple 
industries  of  the  country,  which,  as  I  have  already 
said,  are  interdependent.  After  securing  the  ap- 
proval of  many  of  the  most  prominent  leaders  of 
capital  and  labour,  the  Industrial  Council  was  ap- 
pointed by  the  Government  in  October,  1911,  and 
high  hopes  were  entertained  as  to  the  services  this 
body  would  render  in  the  cause  of  industrial  peace. 
But  for  some  reason  which  it  is  difficult  to  under- 
stand, and  which  has  never  been  explained,  this 
body  was  only  utilised  to  a  very  limited  extent 
before  the  war,  and,  notwithstanding  the  very  con- 



siderable  industrial  unrest  that  has  occurred  since 
the  war,  it  has  not  been  utilised  at  all. 

Another  matter  which  js  equally  inexplicable  is 
that  the  result  of  an  extensive  inquiry  into  industrial 
agreements  and  their  observance  which  was  deputed 
by  the  Government  to  the  Industrial  Council,  and 
which  occupied  38  long  sittings  in  1912-13,  has 
never  been  utilised. 

A  perusal  of  the  report  that  was  issued  proves 
conclusively  not  only  the  desirability  of,  but  the 
absolute  necessity  for,  the  thorough  organisation  of 
both  capital  and  labour,  and  that  where  this  obtains 
disputes  are  usually  settled  between  the  parties 
themselves.  The  main  obstacle  to  the  perfecting 
of  these  organisations  is  the  selfishness  of  a  small 
minority  of  both  employers  and  workpeople,  who 
remain  outside  the  various  organisations,  but  who 
do  not  hesitate  to  take  full  advantage  of  the  public- 
spirited  and  self-sacrificing  work  of  the  majority. 

A  good  deal  has  been  said  about  trade-union 
limitation  of  output.  I  venture  to  express  the 
opinion  that  this  is  against  the  true  interests  of 
labour — indeed,  it  would  be  on  a  par  with  the  perse- 
cution of  the  great  inventors  who  have  done  more 
than  any  other  men  to  improve  the  position  of 
labour,  and  to  place  England  in  the  proud  position 
of  being  the  greatest  industrial  and  commercial 
nation  of  the  world. 

I  am  personally  acquainted  with  many  of  the 
official  representatives  of  labour  in  the  staple  indus- 
tries, and  upon  the  whole  I  have  formed  a  high 
opinion  of  their  capacity  and  fairness,  and  it  is  only 



by  the  rank  and  file  following  their  leaders  that  they 
can  hope  to  be  successful  in  securing  their  legiti- 
mate rights — an  army  without  leaders  can  accom- 
plish nothing. 

The  inquiry  by  the  Industrial  Council,  already 
referred  to,  also  demonstrated  that  compulsory  arbi- 
tration for  large  bodies  of  men  by  legal  enactment 
is  impossible,  and  therefore  it  should  never  have 
been  included  in  the  "  Munitions  Act." 

I  hold  strongly  that  the  interference  of  politicians 
with  industrial  disputes  is  calculated  to  generate 
bitterness  between  capital  and  labour,  and  often 
leads  to  inconclusive  settlements  which  are  against 
the  best  interests  of  the  industries.  It  is  not  to  be 
expected  that  it  is  possible  for  those  who  devote 
their  whole  energies  to  politics  to  have  the  necessary 
knowledge  of  the  intricacies  of  the  numerous  indus- 
tries or  the  varying  conditions  under  which  they 
are  carried  on. 

The  employers  have  the  idea  that  this  interference 
places  them  at  a  disadvantage,  and  that  such  a 
feeling  should  exist,  although  the  workpeople  may 
gain  an  immediate  apparent  advantage,  is  ulti- 
mately prejudicial  to  the  real  interests  of  industrial 
peace  and  the  national  welfare.  In  this  connection 
I  should  like  to  emphasise  that  a  large  proportion 
of  the  gross  earnings  of  industry  goes  in  the  pay- 
ment of  labour  and  of  the  expenses  necessary  to  the 
running  of  the  industries,  and  even  under  normal 
conditions  it  is  only  a  small  margin  that  is  left  to 
remunerate  those  who  have  invested  their  capital. 
In  the  event  of  such  a  crisis  as  the  present,  this  may 



not  only  vanish  but  there  may  be  a  diminution  of 
capital,  and  it  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  em- 
ployers' resources  are  not  unlimited. 

The  effect  of  the  war  on  industry  has  been  most 
varied.  Certain  industries  have  been  exceptionally 
profitable ;  others  have  suffered  severely,  notably 
the  cotton  industry,  which  is  dependent  for  over 
three-quarters  of  its  employment  upon  export  trade 
in  competition  with  many  other  countries.  To  deal 
with  the  wages  question  without  taking  into  con- 
sideration the  varying  copditions  is  obviously  un- 
fair. A  late  President  of  the  Board  of  Trade  made 
a  statement  a  year  or  two  ago  that  a  sum  of  no  less 
than  ^2,400,000,000  is  invested  in  joint-stock  com- 
panies alone  in  the  United  Kingdom.  This  vast 
capital  belongs  to  millions  of  people  and  is  the 
accumulated  savings  of  brain  and  muscle,  many 
small  investors  depending  upon  it  for  their  living. 
There  may  be  therefore  quite  as  much  suffering 
among  them  from  the  effects  of  the  war  as  among 
the  workpeople  for  whom  this  capital  finds  employ- 
ment. A  thorough  investigation  into  all  the  circum- 
stances is  absolutely  necessary  before  giving  any 
award  in  a  wages  dispute,  instead  of,  as  is  too  fre- 
quently done,  ignoring  these  considerations  or 
splitting  the  difference.  If  it  is  proved  that  an  in- 
dustry is  making  exceptional  profits  it  is  only  fair 
that  the  workpeople,  who  may  be  involved  in  extra 
strain,  should  share  in  this  prosperity,  but  in  the 
event  of  an  industry  being  adversely  affected  this 
policy  might,  in  the  long  run,  result  in  the  work- 
people being  thrown  out  of  work  altogether. 



It  would  be  difficult  to  conceive  any  better  method 
for  preventing  or  settling  disputes  than  such  a  body 
as  the  Industrial  Council.  To  this  Council  the 
Government  should  refer  all  disputes  that  the 
parties  themselves  fail  to  settle,  and  the  decision 
should  be  published. 

In  any  dispute  in  a  staple  industry  which  results 
in  a  strike  or  lock-out,  it  is  not  only  the  combatants 
that  suffer,  but  enormous  numbers  of  people  who 
have  no  direct  interest  in  the  dispute  are  deprived 
of  their  means  of  livelihood ;  indeed,  it  must  never 
be  overlooked  that  the  whole  trade  of  the  country 
is  one  vast  organism,  and  it'  is  essential  that  the 
national  welfare  must  have  the  primary  considera- 
tion in  any  dispute  that  may  arise. 

Any  refusal  of  the  parties  to  a  dispute  to  submit 
their  case  to  a  tribunal  composed  of  an  equal  num- 
ber of  experienced  representatives  of  capital  and 
labour  with  a  non-political  chairman  appointed  by 
the  Government,  would  be  strong  presumptive  evi- 
dence against  the  fairness  of  their  demands,  and 
the  impression  made  on  those  whose  interests  are 
seriously  prejudiced  by  the  dispute,  and  on  the 
public  generally,  is  the  only  compulsion  possible, 
and  it  would  usually  be  effective. 

In  this  paper  I  have  endeavoured  to  shew  :  — 

1.  That  harmonious  relationship  between  capital 
and  labour  is  always  of  the  utmost  importance,  and 
that  at  a  time  of  great  national  crisis  it  is  supremely 

2.  That  in  order  to  cope  with  such  a  colossal 



task  as  that  by  which  the  Government  was  con- 
fronted, the  task  would  have  been  lightened  and 
much  would  have  been  gained,  had  they  at  once 
enlisted  the  assistance  of  experienced  industrial 
organisers,  and  co-ordinated  all  existing  organisa- 

3.  That  the  United  Kingdom  is  as  well  organised 
as  any  other  nation,  and  had  there  been  effective 
co-operation  of  the  industrial,  commercial,  financial, 
scientific,  transport,  and  labour  interests  with  the 
Government  from  the  commencement  of  the  war, 
the  position  in  every  respect  to-day  would  have  been 
vastly  better  than  it  is. 

4.  That  by  the  co-ordination  of  these  interests, 
the    problems    connected    with  the  supply  of  the 
necessaries  of  Ifie,  and  with  the  undue  raising  of 
prices  of  commodities,  might  have  been  coped  with 
much  more  successfully  than  they  have  been. 

5.  That  the  rise  in  the  prices  of  commodities  has 
undoubtedly  been  the  main  factor  in  creating  indus- 
trial unrest. 

6.  That  the  only  object  in  calling  attention  to  the 
errors  of  the  past  is  that  we  might  profit  by  the 
experience  gained,  and  so  utilise  to  the  utmost  the 
vast  resources  at  disposal. 

7.  That  the  interference  by  politicians  with  indus- 
trial disputes  is  to  be  strongly  deprecated,   often 
leading  to  inconclusive  settlements,   it  being    im- 
possible for  them  to  have  the  necessary  knowledge 
of  the  intricacies  of  the  different  industries  or  their 
varied  conditions  of  working ;  that  such  interference 
only  engenders  bitterness  and  does  ultimate  harm. 



8.  That   thorough    organisation    of  both    capital 
and  labour  is  essential  to  the  smooth  working  of  the 
industries,  and  that  where  this  is  the  case,  disputes 
are  generally  settled  by  negotiations  between  the 
parties  themselves. 

9.  That     disputes     frequently     arise     from     an 
exaggerated  estimate  of  the  return  on  capital,  and 
that  schemes   for   ascertaining   this   return   should 
be  promoted,  as  exaggerated  views  often  lead  to  un- 
reasonable demands. 

10.  That  the  Industrial  Council,  which  was  ap- 
pointed by  the  Government  in  1911,  and  which  is 
composed  of  an  equal  representation  of  capital  and 
labour,  with  a  non-political  chairman,  has  not  been 
utilised  since  the  outbreak  of  war,  that  no  adequate 
explanation  of  this  has  been  offered,  and  that  the 
valuable  report  of  its  inquiry  into  industrial  agree- 
ments has  not  been  made  use  of. 

11.  That  the  enforcement  of  compulsory  arbitra- 
tion where  large  bodies  of  men  are  concerned  is  an 
impossibility,  and  that  an  inquiry  into  the  merits 
of     a     dispute   by    experienced    men    representing 
capital  and  labour,  and  the  publicity  given  to  its 

•  findings,    would,     together    with    public    opinion 
generally,  supply  the  only  effective  compulsion. 

12.  That     trade-union    limitation    of    output    is 
against  the  best  interests  of  labour. 

13.  That    official    representatives  of   labour    are 
generally  men  of  capacity  and  fairness,  deserving 
of  the  confidence  of  the  rank  and  file. 

14.  That  the  effect  of  the  war  upon  industries  has 
been  varied,  and  that  any  war  bonus  or  wages  ad- 


vance  should  only  be  granted  after  full  investigation 
by  leaders  of  capital  and  labour. 


In  conclusion,  I  have  endeavoured  to  deal  with 
a  complex  problem  from  the  standpoint  of  one  who 
has  during  the  past  twenty  years  been  frequently 
placed  in  the  difficult  position  of  having  to  preside 
over  conferences  of  masters  and  men  in  connection 
with  disputes,  while  occupying  the  position  of  Presi- 
dent of  the  Masters'  Federation  during  that  period. 
Whatever  success  may  have  attended  this  work  is 
mainly  attributable  to  being  able  to  eliminate  per- 
sonal interests,  and  to  view  matters  solely  from  the 
standpoint  of  endeavouring  to  act  fairly  between 
man  and  man.  From  a  wide  experience  I  have 
come  to  the  conclusion  that  nothing  is  gained  from 
strikes  and  lock-outs ;  that  the  leaders  of  capital  and 
labour  have  exceptionally  heavy  responsibilities; 
and  that  industrial  peace,  especially  at  present,  is 
absolutely  essential.  Mistakes  and  the  difficulties 
they  cause  frequently  prove  to  be  blessings  in  dis- 
guise. So  far  as  the  British  nation — I  might  say 
Empire — is  concerned  the  greater  the  difficulties  to 
be  faced,  the  greater  is  the  energy  and  determina- 
tion to  overcome  them.  It  is  fervently  to  be  hoped 
that  such  an  arousing  is  now  taking  place  and  that 
everyone  is  being  made  to  feel  the  seriousness  of 
the  situation,  and  that  all  classes  must  be  prepared 
to  make  any  sacrifices  that  may  be  necessary  to 
ensure  the  speedy  and  victorious  termination  of  the 
unprecedented  struggle  in  which  we  and  our  Allies 
are  engaged  in  defence  of  freedom  and  civilisation. 




"  Ardmore,"  St.  Annes-on-the-Sea, 

December  i8th,  1909. 
My  Dear  Sir, 

Having  occupied  the  responsible  position  of 
President  of  the  Master  Cotton  Spinners'  Federa- 
tion since  1894,  and  having  also  been  Chairman 
of  the  Committee  of  the  International  Cotton 
Federation  since  its  inauguration  in  1904,  it  has 
been  necessary  for  me  to  give  attention  to  all 
problems  connected  with  the  cotton  industry,  the 
development  of  which  has  been  remarkable. 
Although  not  a  party  politician,  in  view  of  the 
threatened  change  in  our  fiscal  policy  I  consider 
it  to  be  my  duty  to  place  before  the  electors  in 
every  way  I  possibly  can  some  facts  regarding  this 
great  industry  :  — 

i .  Lancashire,  the  centre  of  the  cotton  industry 
of  England,  has  during  the  last  fifty  years 
doubled  her  population  ;  she  has  also  doubled 
her  cotton  machinery,  considerably  improved 
its  efficiency  and  increased  the  speed  at 
which  it  is  run,  with  the  result  that  not  only 
is  there  a  proportionately  greater  output,  but 
the  output  is  of  immensely  increased  value. 


2.  The    importance    of   the    cotton    industry    of 

England  may  be  judged  from  the  fact  that  its 
products,  in  addition  to  providing  for  our 
home  requirements,  represent  about  a  third 
of  our  total  exports  of  manufactures.  This 
export  trade  is  about  three-quarters  of  the 
production  of  our  fifty-three-and-a-half  million 
spindles  and  the  dependent  machinery.  These 
exports  go  to  the  great  neutral  markets  as 
well  as  largely  to  the  countries  which  have  a 
cotton  industry  of  their  own,  'forming  part  of 
their  exports.  There  are  something  like 
seventy-eight  million  spindles  in  the  other 
twenty-one  cotton  manufacturing  countries. 
Next  in  importance  to  England  comes  the 
United  States  of  America  with  twenty-eight 
million  spindles,  then  on  the  continent  of 
Europe  Germany  leads  with  ten  million 
spindles ;  in  the  Far  East  there  are  in  India 
five-and-a-half  million  spindles,  and  about 
one-and-three-quarter  millions  spindles  in 

3.  In  round  figures  the  cotton  crop  of  the  world 

now  averages  about  twenty  millions  bales,  and 
a  common  fallacy  of  Tariff  Reformers  is  to 
gauge  the  value  of  the  cotton  industry  of  the 
respective  countries  by  the  weight  of  raw 
cotton  consumed,  thus  displaying  their  utter 
inexperience  of  the  conditions  under  which 
the  industry  is  carried  on.  England,  with 
considerably  over  one-third  of  the  spindles  of 


the  world,  consumes  annually  four  million 
bales  of  cotton,  whereas  the  United  States  of 
America,  with  about  half  the  number  of 
spindles  there  are  in  England,  consumes  five 
million  bales,  and  Germany,  with  considerably 
less  than  a  fifth  of  the  spindles  in  England, 
consumes one-and-three-quarter  million  bales. 
This  proves  the  absurdity  of  the  Tariff 
Reformers'  contention.  It  is  obvious  that  the 
value  of  the  cotton  trade  of  the  respective 
countries  can  really  only  be  gauged  by  the 
extent  of  the  machinery,  the  labour  employed, 
the  fineness,  variety,  excellence,  and  value  of 
the  fabrics  produced.1 

4.  A.nother  of  the  gross  misrepresentations  of  the 
advocates  of  Tariff  Reform  is  that  the  present 
depression  in  the  cotton  trade  arises  from 
Free  Trade.  If  so,  how  is  it  that  every  other 
cotton  manufacturing  country  in  the  world, 
most  of  which  are  under  Protection,  is  at 
present  in  the  same  condition  ?  I  say  em- 
phatically that  the  causes  of  the  present 
world-wide  depression  in  the  cotton  trade 
have  nothing  whatever  to  do  with  the  fiscal 
policy  of  this  or  any  other  country. 

If  a  careful  study  had  been  made  of  the  effect 
Tariff  Reform  would  have  upon  our  greatest  manu- 

1.  Between  1909  and  1913,  the  cotton  trade  throughout  the  world 
increased  in  round  figures  from  131,500,000  to  143,500,000  spindles. 
No  tabulation  has  been  possible  since  the  war  began. 



facturing  industry,  I  am  of  opinion  it  would  never 
have  been  launched,  but,  from  the  arguments  of  the 
advocates  of  Tariff  Reform,  it  is  evident  that  no 
proper  investigation  was  ever  made.  From  my 
intercourse  with  the  leading  men  in  the  cotton  trade 
of  the  world,  and  consequent  knowledge  of  the 
conditions  under  which  the  industry  is  carried  on, 
both  at  home  and  abroad,  I  am  convinced  that  we 
have  advantages  at  present  which  we  should  be 
deprived  of  were  Tariff  Reform  adopted  in  England. 
Its  adoption  would,  in  my  opinion,  not  only  enhance 
the  cost  of  building  and  equipping  mills,  but  it 
would  also  increase  the  cost  of  coal  and  other 
requisites  for  running  the  mills;  it  would  further 
increase  the  cost  of  the  numerous  processes  through 
which  cotton  passes,  each  of  which,  like  the  building, 
equipping,  and  running  of  mills,  involves  a  large 
amount  of  labour;  therefore,  the  accumulated  en- 
hancement in  the  cost  of  the  finished  fabrics  would 
speedily  undermine  our  position,  and  sooner  or 
later  our  gigantic  export  trade  in  cotton  goods  would 
pass  into  other  hands.  The  loss  of  a  trade  which 
stands  at  the  head  of  our  exporting  industries  would 
be  a  disaster  not  only  to  the  millions  of  people 
directly  interested  in  it,  but  would  seriously  affect  all 
our  national  activities.  In  my  opinion,  none  would 
suffer  more  severely  than  the  great  landowners, 
many  of  which  seem  to  be  the  strongest  advocates 
of  Tariff  Reform.  Their  interests  and  those  of  the 
agricultural  classes  are  inseparably  bound  up  with 
the  prosperity  of  our  great  manufacturing  industries 
and  the  power  of  these  industries  to  maintain  and 



extend  our  enormous  export  trade.  It  is  well  to 
remember  that  within  a  radius  of  fifty  miles  of  the 
Manchester  Exchange  there  is  a  population  of  eight 
millions,  and  this  area  forms  the  largest  outlet  for 
agricultural  produce  of  any  similar  area  within  the 
United  Kingdom. 

The  United  Kingdom  is  pre-eminently  an  indus- 
trial and  commercial  nation  dependent  more  than 
any  other  country  for  the  employment  of  her  popula- 
tion of  forty-four  millions  upon  the  maintenance 
and  expansion  of  her  foreign  trade.  In  protected 
countries  the  tendency  is  for  the  cost  of  living  to 
increase  more  and  more ;  this,  coupled  with  the 
demands  of  labour  to  obtain  the  conditions  existing 
in  England,  is  undoubtedly  reducing  the  power  of 
those  nations  to  successfully  compete  in  the  markets 
of  the  world. 

Tariff  Reform  once  begun  in  England  would  most 
assuredly  follow  the  course  pursued  by  the  nations 
which  have  adopted  Protection.  One  result  would 
be  industrial  strife  in  the  endeavour  to  adjust  the 
changed  conditions,  and  the  enhancement  of  the 
cost  of  production  would  also  speedily  follow.  Both 
of  these  would  seriously  prejudice  our  power  of 
continuing  to  secure  the  large  share  of  the  trade  of 
the  world  we  at  present  possess. 

My  only  object  in  addressing  you,  as  the  President 
of  the  Free  Trade  Union,  which  I  understand  is  a 
non-party  organisation,  is  that  I  am  deeply  concerned 
about  the  maintenance  of  our  pre-eminent  position 
as  a  commercial  nation.  I  place  this  above  all 
other  issues  that  are  at  present  before  the  nation, 



and  I  hope  that  the  primary  consideration  of  the 
electors  will  be  io  return  men  to  Parliament  who 
are  pledged  to  continue  our  Free  Trade  policy, 
which,  circumstanced  as  we  are,  is,  in  my  opinion, 
vital  to  our  national  welfare. 
I  am, 

Yours  faithfully, 

C.  W.  MACARA. 

To  the  Rt.  Hon.  Arnold  Morley, 
President,  Free  Trade  Union, 
8,  Victoria  Street,  Westminster, 
London,  S.W. 




(Manchester  Evening  News,  January  6th,  1910.) 

Speaking  at  the  Chorlton  Town  Hall,  last  night, 
Mr.  A.  A.  Haworth,1  M.P.  for  South  Manchester, 
Chairman  of  the  Manchester  Royal  Exchange,  and 
a  principal  of  one  of  the  most  important  cotton 
concerns  in  the  country,  said  :  — 

I  saw  in  a  Manchester  paper  this  morning  a  very 
angry  article  embodying  a  letter  with  a  certain 
number  of  signatories  to  it,  some  of  whom  some  of 
us  have  heard  of,  angry  with  Mr.  Macara  because 
he  has  written  certain  letters  to  the  Free  Trade 
League  among  other  bodies,  setting  forward  his 
views  on  Tariff  Reform  as  applied  to  the  cotton 
industry  of  Lancashire. 

Now  I  am  not  here  in  defence  of  Mr.  Macara ;  he  is 
well  able  to  defend  himself,  and  he  might  consider  it 
an  impertinence  on  my  part  to  put  forward  anything 
in  the  nature  of  a  defence  on  his  behalf.  But  when  I 
see  a  man  whom  I  respect,  who  has  a  position  in 
the  cotton  trade  which  is  second  to  none  in  the 
whole  world  of  to-day,  who  has  perhaps  done  more 

1.  Now   Sir  Arthur  A.    Haworth,  Bart.     Reprinted   from   the 
Evening  A7etr.«.  January  6th,  1910. 



for  the  cotton  trade  than  any  man  who  ever  lived 
except  the  great  inventors  of  the  self-acting  mule, 
the  spinning  jenny,  and  the  power  loom — when  I 
see  him  abused  as  being  guilty  of  writing  these 
letters  as  a  political  dodge,  I,  for  one,  as  a  private 
individual,  desire  to  enter  my  protest. 


First  of  all,  Mr.  Macara  is  accused  of  using  his 
position  as  President  of  the  Federation  of  Master 
Cotton  Spinne'rs  at  home  and  Chairman  of  the 
Federated  Cotton  Spinners  of  all  the  cotton 
spinning  countries  of  the  world.  But  as  far  as  1 
remember — I  have  not  had  time  to  look  up  the 
letters  again — they  were  not  written  in  his  capacity 
as  Chairman ;  they  were  written  from  his  private 
address  at  St.  Annes-on-the-Sea.  He  disclaimed 
having  any  interest  in  any  political  party.  To  my 
knowledge  he  has  always,  in  the  great  work  he  has 
done  in  organising  the  cotton  trade  for  the  general 
benefit  of  operatives  and  cotton  spinners  alike, 
avoided  party  conflicts. 


To  such  an  extent  has  he  been  able  to  conceal 
his  own  views  in  politics  that  to  my  knowledge — I 
don't  know  whether  he  would  like  me  to  say  it  or 
not — he  has  been  approached  by  both  the  great 
political  parties  to  become  a  candidate  for  Parlia- 
mentary honours. 

If  those  who  attack  Mr.  Macara  for  the  way  he 
has  done  this  as  an  individual  who  cannot  help 
being  the  President  of  this  great  organisation, 



having  been  elected  there  by  the  men  who  know  the 
trade  best,  and  know  him  as  being  the  man  best 
fitted  for  that  position — if  they  would  for  one 
moment  attempt  to  refute  one  single  argument  that 
he  has  put  forward  as  to  why  we  should  stick  to 
Free  Trade,  they  would  do  more  good  to  their  cause. 







We  believe  that  the  supremacy  of  the  United 
Kingdom  in  the  world's  cotton  trade  is  due  to  our 
Free  Trade  policy,  which  enables  us  to  buy  the 
materials  we  require  for  the  production  of  manufac- 
tured cotton  at  the  lowest  price  without  the  addi- 
tional burden  of  import  duties.  This  minimum 
capital  outlay  and  the  consequent  saving  in  interest 
and  depreciation  give  the  manufacturers  of  the 
United  Kingdom  a  great  advantage  in  competition 
with  manufacturers  in  protected  countries.  Un- 
taxed  bread  and  meat  and  dairy  produce  have  con- 
tributed to  the  health  and  efficiency  of  the  work- 
people; and  our  Free  Trade  policy  opens  to  us  all 
the  markets  of  the  world  on  the  terms  of  the  most 
favoured  nation. 

We  are  convinced  that  any  departure  from  our 
Free  Trade  policy  would  cause  great  and  irreparable 
injury  to  the  cotton  trade,  and  its  allied  industries, 
on  which  Lancashire  and  other  parts  of  the  country 
so  largely  depend. 





January  3rd,  1910. 

1.    Vide   Daily    Press 







The  leaders  of  the  Lancashire  cotton  industry, 
irrespective  of  party  politics,  have  been  greatly  con- 
cerned at  the  definite  adoption  by  the  Conservative 
party  of  the  policy  of  Tariff  "  Reform."  They  hold 
that  this  policy,  if  put  into  operation,  would  inflict 
irretrievable  disaster  on  the  main  industry  of  the 
county.  A  manifesto  has  accordingly  been  prepared 
in  support  of  the  views  on  this  subject  set  forth  by 
Mr.  C.  W.  Macara,  and  has  been  very  largely 
signed.  The  signatures  printed  below  have  been 
collected  within  the  space  of  two  days,  and  they 
could  have  been  added  to  almost  indefinitely  if  time 
had  allowed .  It  will  be  seen  that  almost  every  great 
firm  in  the  cotton  and  allied  trades  is  represented  by 
the  names  of  one  or  other  of  the  directors,  in  the 
list  of  signatories,  and  that  the  names,  appended 
within  the  short  time  during  which  the  document 
has  been  open  for  signature,  are  thoroughly  repre- 
sentative of  Lancashire. 

1,  Reprinted  from  the  Manchester  Guardian,  Jan.  14th,  1910, 



The  text  of  the  Manifesto  is  as  follows  :  — 

We,  the  undersigned  spinners,  manufacturers, 
and  merchants  connected  with  the  cotton  industry, 
desire  to  state  that,  quite  apart  from  party  politics, 
we  unhesitatingly  affirm  our  belief  not  only  that 
Free  Trade  is  the  best  fiscal  system  for  the  country 
generally,  but  that  any  resort  to  a  system  of 
Tariff  Reform  would  seriously  jeopardise  the 
position  of  the  cotton  trade  of  Lancashire,  and  so 
produce  appalling  disaster  to  the  whole  country. 
We,  therefore,  thoroughly  endorse  the  views 
which  have  been  set  forth  by  Mr.  C.  W.  Macara, 
whose  position  makes  him  particularly  conversant 
with  the  facts  obtaining  in  all  the  cotton-using 
countries  of  the  world. 
Manchester,  January  i2th,  1910. 
The  following  is  the  list  of  signatures  :  — 

Ernest  Agnew.  G.  B.  Alexander. 

A.  Y.  Agopian.  H.  Ashworth. 

William  Ashworth.  Armitage  &  Rigby,  Ltd. 

Alfred  K.  Armitage.  B.   Noton  Barclay. 

James  Arrowsmith.  G.  Beatson  Blair. 

R.  Ashworth  &  Son.  J.  R.  Barlow  (Barlow  A  Jonee, 

A.  E.  Ashton.  Ltd.). 

Thomas  Ashton.  Joseph  Bell. 

James  H.  Ainsworth,  Alfred  Brookes. 

Francis  Atkinson.  G.  F.  Burditt. 

James  Ainsworth.  Frederick  Ball. 

A.  Abbott  &  Co.  Wallace  Brooks. 

H.  Arthur.  Joseph  Bles. 

F.  H.  Ardern.  John  Blears. 

J.  W.  Adam.  P.  Badger. 



Richard  Bond. 

W.  J.  Bewley. 

J.  R.  Broadhurst. 

J.  E.  Bell. 

J.  Birtwistle. 

Bailey  &  Roberts. 

Bury  Brother?. 

John  R,  Byrom. 

W.  Burrows  &  Son,  Ltd. 

A.   Bottomley. 

S.  Bottomley. 

James  Bentley. 

Sir  Jacob  Behrens  &  Co. 

John  Boyd. 

A.  Beith. 
Donald  Beith. 
W.  Burrows. 
T.  Bannister, 

J.    B.   Breacken. 
Richard   Barlow. 
Charles  Brown. 
Birtwistle  &  Oddy. 

B.  Birtwistle 

F.  S.  Bwrrows. 
S.  Bancroft. 

H.  Briggs  &  Co. 

H.  Barlow. 

Beehive  Spinning   Co.,  Ltd. 

Edwin   Barlow. 

John  Barlow. 

John  W.  Brooks. 

H.   Beswick. 

Frank    Barlow. 

Boulaye  Brothers. 

H.  A.  Bunting. 

G.  A.  Behrens. 
George   Bickham, 

Henry  Bannerman  &  Sons,  Ltd 

George   Buckley. 

Joshua  Berry. 

Adam  Bradley. 

James  Bottomley. 

Arnold  W.  Boyd. 

John  Broxap. 

Thomas  Butterworth. 

James  Barrow. 

A.    W.   Bradbury. 

John  R.   Brooks. 

A.  Birtwistle. 

J.  J.   Briggs. 

William   Berry. 

Thomas  R.  Bolton 

H.  R.  Barnes. 

J.  Bottomley. 

J.    Bradbury. 

J.  A.  Botham. 

J.    C.   Broadbent, 

J.    W.   Blackwell. 

T.  E.  Bamford. 

M.   Burnitt. 

A.    Barlow   &   Son?. 

C.  Brumm. 

Barlow  Brothers  &  Greenwood. 

H.    Buckley. 

J.  Bamford. 

E.   H.  Barnes. 

S.  L.  Behrens  &  Co. 

J.  E.  Bell. 

R.  H.  Bowdler  (Wesham  Mill 

Co.,    Ltd.) 
James  Butterworth. 
•Joseph  Barker. 
Fred  Bradshaw 
S.  Berry. 



J.  M.  Bradock. 

W.  Bracken. 

J.  S.  Bass. 

T.  J.  Bradburn. 

J.  E.  Barrett. 

S.  D.  Bles  &  Sons. 

Allan  H.  Bright. 

Alfred  Crewdson. 

Sir  Frederick  Cawley. 

Arthur  Carrington. 

J.  W.  Crewdson. 

Thomas  E.  Campbell. 

Henry  Cuncliffe  &  Son. 

Robert  H.  Cooil. 

J.  W.  Cochcroft. 

Tom   Carrington. 

H.  W.  Carrington. 

Edward  T.  Crook. 

Joshua  Crook  &  Sons,  Ltd. 

Tom   Cox    (Palmer  Mill    Co., 


Collinge  Brothers. 
Thomas  Catlow. 
J.   T.   Cuncliffe. 
Coates  Manuf acting  Co..  Ltd. 
John  Cocks. 
Harry  Cooper. 
Hamlett  Cocker. 
G.  H.  Chadwick. 
Thomas  Clarke. 
W.  D.  Chadfield. 
Thomas  Collier. 
G.  H.  Crook. 
Thomas  Coates. 
a.  H.  Clegg. 
John  Cheetham. 
.Tames  Caladine. 

James  Cheetham. 

Miles  Crompton. 

J.  W.  Clarke. 

M.  Clegg. 

Joseph  Crook  &  Son.  Ltd. 

G.  H.  Clegg. 

H.  Clegg. 

W.  Carmichael. 

J.   Crompton. 

J.  Carr  &  Sons. 

W.  Cartlinge. 

H.    Crompton. 

J.  T.  Chadwick. 

J.   E.   Cockcroft. 

J.  Crabtree. 

E.  Catterall. 

E.  Cooper. 

William  Cheetham. 

Joseph  Chadwick. 

J.  S.  Cheetham. 

John  Dodd  (Platt  Bros.  &  Co., 

Tom  Dean. 
H.  C.  Dewhurst. 
Harry  Button. 
Ernest   M.   Davies. 
Josiah  Doxey. 
W.  Dean. 

Alexander  Dowson. 
W.  Douny. 
David  Dyson. 
Joseph  Dugdale. 
Daisyfield  Eing  Co. 
A.  Dawson. 

Edward  Dyson  &  Sons. 
W.  Dearden. 
Abel  Dearnaley. 



Frank  Dewhurst. 
E.  H.  Dewhurst. 
P.  Dinwiddie 
B.  Dawson. 
Walter  Duckworth. 
J.  Derbyshire. 
•].  Doodson. 
George  Dickins. 
Alfred  Emmott. 
jrustav  Eckhard. 
John  W.  Exley. 
T.  W.  Emmott  &  Co. 
W.  H.  Eyre. 

James  Fletcher. 

W.  Scott  Forbes. 

Robinson  Fouldg. 

James  Foulds. 

Henry  Fleet  wood. 

T.  W.  A.  Forrest  &  Co.,  Ltd. 

John  Faulkner. 

A.  E.  Fitton. 

John  Faulkner,  Ltd. 

Henry  H.  L.  Fletcher. 

Wra.  Fergusson  (J.  Fergusson 

&  Co.). 
W.  Fischbach. 

William  Emery  (William  Emery,  W.  W.  Fletcher  (Ashton  Bros. 


James  Emery. 

A.  T.  Eccles  &  Sons. 

Robert  Emmott. 

T.  Emmott  &  Sons. 

James  Edmnndson. 

Edgar  &  Cothingy. 

James  Ellison. 

William  Emmet  t. 

Edward  A.  Eason. 

Edward  A.  Eason,  junior. 

W.  H.  Eason. 

J.   Emmet  t. 

B.  Ellinger. 

W.  Eller. 

Edward  Evans  &  Son. 
George  Entwistle. 
Elson  &  Neill. 
H.  Ellison. 
John  W.  Exley. 
W.  Arthur  Elder. 
James  E.  Evans. 
A.  0.  Evana. 

&  Co.,  Ltd.). 
J.  R.  Forester. 
John  Flockton. 
Jos.  Frost. 

C.  Fielding. 
J.  Fielding. 
A.  Fielden. 
John  Fell. 

H.  Fieldman. 
W.  H.  Frost. 
A.  S.  Fulber. 

D.  E.  Frith. 
Jos.    Foulds. 
G.  W.  Fennell. 
Thomas  Fletcher. 
Paul  Fraser  &  Co. 
N.  H.  Foulds. 

S.   Galk. 
John  Grey,  Ltd. 
Greenfield  Mill  Co. 
H.   Garstang. 
James  Garside. 
Tom  Garnett. 



G.  P.  Gunnis  &  Co. 

James  Gibbon  &  Son. 

William  Gibson. 

William  Gibbon. 

H.  Goble. 

W.  R.  Grundy. 

W.  H.  Greenhow  &  Co.,  Ltd. 

John  Grime. 

J.   0.  Griffiths. 

John  Gledhill. 

John  Greenwood. 

John  G.  Graves. 

C.  Gatkie. 

J.  G.  Grime. 

J.  Greenwood. 

0.  Gillett  &  Co. 

C.  W.  Godbert. 

J.  M.  Gray. 

Sidney  Gask. 

Charles  F.  Gresty. 

J.  Francis  Gibb. 

George  S.  Greaves. 

A.  H.  Greensmith. 

Richard  Haworth  &  Co.,  Ltd. 

Sir  Frank  Hollins,  Bart. 

L.  Heyworth. 

E.  &  G.  Hindle,  Ltd. 

Arthur  M.  Hughes. 

W.  A    Hargreaves. 

Hall,  Higham  &  Co. 

J.  T.  Hargreaves. 

C.  Harris. 

Holme  Manufacturing  Co.,  Ltd. 

R.  Holdsworth  &  Nephew. 

Edmund  Halstead. 

R.  Harwood  &  Son,  Ltd. 

John  Harwood  &  Son. 

Haslam  Spinning  Co. 
Joseph    B.    Harrison    (Vernon 
Cotton  Spinning  Co.,  Ltd.). 
Harwood  Brothers. 
John  Holden  &  Son. 
James   Halliwell. 
Hampden  Mill  Co.,  Ltd. 
William  Hodgson. 
Hartley  Spencer,  Ltd. 
Frank  Hodson. 
George  G.  Hardman. 
William    Holden. 
James  F.  Button  &  Co.,  Ltd. 
Haythornthwaite  Brothers,  Ltd. 
William   Hoyle. 
John  Haughton. 
C.  J.  Hadfield. 
Alfred  Haworth. 
George  Hadfield 
J.  R.  Hepburn. 
Edward  Hallsworth. 
Samuel  Hague  &  Co.,  Ltd. 
William  Harrop. 
T.  Hellawell. 
P.    Haworth   &    Son. 
Hollas,  Farnworth,  Ltd. 
Ralph    Holden. 
W.  Hamer. 
Jesse  Haworth. 
Charles  Hardman. 
R.  Hasty. 
T.   Horrocks. 
J.  G.   Haworth. 
David  Healey. 
James  Hunt. 
A.  W.  Hennings. 
Thomas  S.  Howortb, 



William    Hay. 
K.  Ha  skim. 

B.  Haskim. 
Fred  Hartley. 
Hey  &  Elliott,  Ltd. 
S.  Hodgkinson. 
John  Hamer. 

Harrison,  Son,  &  Hague,  Ltd. 

(Jeorge    Hahlo. 

Joseph  Hargreaves. 

A.  P.   Hillis. 

VV.  R.  Hesketh. 

Joseph  Hague. 

Edwin  Hamer 

A.  G.  C.  Harvey. 

E.  C.  Harvey. 

W.  H.  Hall. 

W.  Healey. 

John  R.  Hardern. 

Edward  T.  Hoyle. 

W.  C.   Hargreaves. 

R.  P.  Hewit. 

Forest   Hewit. 

S.    Hinrichsen   &  Co. 

A.  B.  Herbert. 

C.  Hahnel. 
Phillips    Hindley. 
W.   E.  Hall. 

D.  Hendle. 

E.  0.   Heywood. 
James  H.  Hyde. 
Thomas   Hey. 

R.  Hahnel. 
VV.  Heap. 

B.  W.  Holden. 
W.  B.  Hanson. 

F.  J.  Hargreaves. 

J.  Hindie. 

F.  R.  Haythornthwaite 
Albert  Hindie. 
James  A.  Holden. 
C.  W.  Higgin. 

E.  A.  Haslani. 
J.  W.  Holt 

R.  Hargreaves. 

C.  Hoyle. 

W.  H.  Horsfall. 

D.  Hill. 

H.  Hollinrake. 

J.   Halliwell. 

H.  Holden. 

T.  Hartley. 

\V.  F.  Hamer. 

Hartley  &  Wilson,  Ltd 

F.  Higson. 
John  A.  Hood. 
Jehu  Healey. 
John  W.  Healey. 
J.   W.   Habbashaw. 
C.  Holt. 

William  Taylor  Hague. 

B.  &  W.   Hartley,  Ltd. 
W.  B.  Hodgkinson. 
Samuel  Haughton. 
Fred  C.  Isherwood. 

R.  Isherwood. 
J.  Isherwood. 
P.  Isherwood. 
W.  O.  Ingham. 

C.  H.  Ingham. 
Alfred  Ingham. 
George  Ingham. 
W.  G.  Johnson. 

F.  Johnston  &  Co.,  Ltd. 



James  8.  Johnstone. 

J.  B.  Johnstone  &  Co. 

H.  Jackson. 

Richard  H.  Jackson. 

John  Jackson  &  Son. 

Daniel  Jopson. 

E.  Jones. 

G.  B.  Kay. 

John  Kay  &  Son. 

Alfred  J.  King. 

Ernest  A.   Kolp. 

T.   W.    Killick. 

L.  Kippax. 

R,    W.    Kessler. 

Samuel  Kealey. 

W.  T.  Kemp. 

James  Kay. 

W.   Randell   Kay. 

Leonard  Kershaw. 

Arthur  Kershaw. 

John  Kenyon. 

J.  Kerfoot. 

C.  Koch  &  Co.,  Ltd. 

William  Kenyon  &  Son.  Ltd. 

Lancaster  Brothers. 

A.    Lindley   &    Son. 

Edward  Lord. 

John  F.  Leach. 

John  Law. 

J.  W.  Landless. 

Henry  Leach. 

George  E.  Leach. 

Frank  Lee. 

Lennox  Lee. 

Henry  Lawton    (Asa   Lee*   & 

Co.,  Ltd.). 
John  E.  Longworth 

Julius  Lesser  &  Co.'s  Successors. 

John  Longworth,  Ltd. 

J.  P.  Lord. 

G.  H.  Leeming. 

J.  Lloyd. 

James  Lees. 

Fred  Longbottom. 

W.  E.  Lightbowne. 

W.  Lowe. 

J.  F.  Lomax. 

Sam  Luke. 

K.  Lee. 

Samuel  Leigh. 

James  Lawrence. 

E.  S.  Lang. 

J.  G.  Leach. 

E.  Lawton. 

J.  A.  Leeming. 

E.  H.  Langden. 

H.  Lee. 

Charles  Lees. 

G.  H.  Lings. 

Lewis  &  Buckley. 

Frank  Leech. 

Wilfred  Lord. 

W.  Langshaw. 

John  Dewhurst  Milne. 

T.  B.  Marsden  (Platt  Brothers 

&  Co.,  Ltd.). 
W.  R.  M'Clure  (R.  M'Clure  A 

Son,  Ltd.). 
E.  R,  M.  M'Clure  (R.  M'Clure  * 

Son,   Ltd.). 

J.      H.      Moorhouse      (Vernon 
Cotton  Spinning  Co.,  Ltd. ) . 
J.  S.  Match  in  (Waste  Spinning 



R,    Martin   &   Son,   Ltd. 

J.  Mallalien. 

John  Mitchell. 

\V.  Marsland. 

•James  Moorhouse. 

Robert  E.  Milne. 

G.  W.  Munn. 

P.  Millward. 

Joseph   Magaon. 

1".  R.  M'Connell  (Greg  Brothers 

&  Co.). 
O.    Mallalieu. 
A.  H.   Marsland. 
C.  Marx. 
Alex.   Manley. 
C.  E.  Moore. 
S.  Milne. 
Fred  H.  May  all. 
Abel  Mellor. 
W.  H.  Morris. 
J.  G.   Marcroft. 
J.  B.  Mayall. 
John  Margerison. 
James  Mallalieu. 
J_.   W.  Mallalieu. 
C.  Mellor. 
S.   J.  Michles. 
J.  Malloc. 
R.  Moores. 
A.    Matthews. 
Joseph  Mills. 
H.  A.   Maryland. 
R.  H.  Massey. 
R.    D.   M'Laren. 
J.  Marshall. 
J.  H.  Marsden. 
R.   Moorhouse. 

John  Mill*. 

Thomas  Milnes. 

C.  William  Mill*. 

James  Milne. 

Robert  Mellor. 

William  Marcroft. 

Mitchell  &  Son. 

William  Morgan. 

William  M'Kerracher. 

J.  H.   Morris  &  Co. 

R.  W.  Matthews. 

James  Milne  (Preston). 

0.  W.  Needham  (Platt  Brothers 

&  Co.,  Ltd.). 

H.  T.  Norinanton  &  Co.,  Ltd. 
C.  Newth. 
John  Noden. 
R.    Nutter  &   Co.,   Ltd. 
Ephraim  Nutter. 
Thomas   Nutter. 
A.  O.  Noel. 
S.  C.  Nordlingei-. 
W.  Noble. 
A.  Nordlinger. 
Howarth  Nuttall. 
Wilfred  F.  Nuttall. 
James  Nutter. 
John  E.  Newton   (Asa   Lfet>  4 

Co.,  Ltd.). 
Thomas  Noton,  jun. 
George  Nelson. 
John  Needham  &  Sons. 
George  Newton. 
S.  Newton. 
F.  Norcliffe,  jun. 
A,  Nichol. 
M.  S.  Newton. 



Thomas  Nuttall  &  Sons,  Ltd. 

Nuttall  &  Crook. 

B.  Nutter  &  Co.,  Ltd. 

W.  W.  Neill. 

Oxford  Mill  Co.,  Ltd. 

H.  Oliver. 

Joseph  Oliver. 

Cuthbertson  Orr. 

William  J.  Orr. 

Orschavir  Brothers. 

D.  E.  Ormerod. 

Samuel  Ormerod. 

William  O'Hanlon  &  Co. 

David  Ottersill. 

J.  A.  Ormerod. 

B.  Ogden. 
W.  O'Neill. 

S.  H.  Ormerod  &  Co. 

Ogdens  &  Madeleys,  Ltd. 

The  Old  Mill  Co.,  Ltd. 

T.  Pilling. 

Pickup  &  Co. 

A.  C.  Pott  &  Co. 

S.   Potter. 

William  Pearson. 

William   Pownall. 

Pembertoris,  Ltd. 

C.  H.  Pickford. 
James  Prestwich. 
Alfred  Partington. 
T.  Parkins. 
Thomas  Potter. 
W.  J.  Petrie. 

S.  H.  Bobinson. 
George  Bobinson  &   Co. 
Boach  Vale  Mills,  Ltd. 
Samuel  Balphs  (Vernon  Cotton 
Spinning  Co.,  Ltd.). 

John  E.  Bhodes. 

J.  F.  &  H.  Boberts,  Ltd. 

W.  Bowbotham. 

J.  B,  Bhodes  &  Co. 

James  Bhodes. 

F.  Bushworth. 

John  Bamsbotham. 

James  Bamsbotham. 

W.  Biley. 

S.  Bobinson. 

Bitchie  &  Eason. 

Frederick  Beyner. 

W.  Bigg. 

F.    Bedman. 

Rawson  Brothers. 

F.  W.  Bayner. 

H.  T.  Bayner. 

James  Bussel. 

A.  Bogerson. 
John  Bountree. 

B.  Byden. 

H.  D.  Battray. 

T.  Bedman. 

W.  J.  Bobertson. 

J.  Bobertson  &  Sons. 

F.  Bobey. 

G.  E.  Bowland. 
Frank  S.  Boberts. 

River  &  Tower  Mills  Co.,  Ltd. 

C.  W.  Bothwell. 
William  Smith  &  Co. 
J.  H.  Snowdon. 
Samuel  Slater. 
Steinthal  &  Co. 
James  Speak. 

F.  A.  Scott. 
Tom  Shackleton. 
S.  H.  Sagar. 


John  Smith. 

T.  &  J.  Smith. 

Thomas    Stephens. 

John    Sutcliffe. 

Sandygate  Mill  Co.,  Ltd. 

Ernest   M.    Susman. 

Paul    Susman. 

W.  F.  Smethurst. 

J.  W.  Sclanders  &  Co. 

•I.    W.    Shovelton. 

Edgar  Smalley. 

Henry    Speakman. 

S.    H.    Smith. 

Joseph   Sutcliffe. 

Herbert  Slater. 

Fred   A.   Slater. 

A.    Sugden. 

Harold     Shawcross     - 

Thomas    Scott. 

S.     Seidlin. 

H.   R.   Sassen. 

,T.    Spence. 

>.    H.   Smith. 

Edwin  Stansfield. 

W.    H.    Shirley. 

K.    W.    Summerfield 

Joseph   Smith. 

G.    H.    Stafford. 

H.  Shepley. 

Alfred   Smithson. 

Stott  &  Smith. 

C.    Smith. 

J.    G.   Sansome. 

E.  Swan. 

J.  H.  Scholes. 

J.  A.  Scrimgeour. 

J    H.  Shuock. 

T.   Stott. 

F.  J.   Sparks 
T.  H.  Bigby. 
A.  E.  Sutton. 
R.  W.  Seed. 
A.  Saxon. 

W.   Stephens. 

G.  Stott. 

J.  J.   Smithies. 

W.  Slater  &  Son,  Ltd. 

E.  G.  Smalley. 
W.   E.   Sagar. 
Joseph  T.  Sladen. 
G.  Shuttle  worth. 
J.   Stott. 

Emil   Scholefield. 
S.  Sugden. 

Schofield  &  Froggatt. 
Sugden  Sutcliffe. 
James  Speak. 
Wilfred  Street. 

F.  Seal. 

James  A.  Spencer. 

Frank  Smith. 

C.  C.  Stout. 

James   Sharpies. 

Southern  &  Nephew,  Ltd. 

James  W.  Southern  &  Son,  Ltd. 

G.  E.  Shaw. 

J.  H.  Sladin  &  Co. 

Benjamin  Thornber  &  Sons,  Ltd. 

James  Thornber. 

Sharp  Thornber. 

J.  G.  A.   Taylor. 

Charles  Taylor  &  Brothers,  Ltd. 

Edgar  M.    Taylor. 

Thomas  Taylor  (S.  Taylor,  Ltd.). 



Luke  Thornber. 

William  Tetlow. 

VV.  H.  Taylor. 

Frank   Taylor. 

C.  H.  Turner. 

John  Taylor. 

James  Taylor. 

James  M.  Thomas. 

Alfred  Topp. 

J.  T.  Tetlow. 

Jesse  Thorpe. 

James  Tattersall. 

John  E.  Taylor. 

John  Trafford. 

Richard  Trafford. 

Robert  Taylor,  jun.  (Asa  Lees 

&  Co.,  Ltd.). 
R.  Thompson  &  Co..  Ltd. 
Richard  Thornley. 
Elias  Taylor. 
William  Topham. 
James  Tattersall  &  Son. 
Thomas  Taylor. 
H.  Thompson. 
W.  E.  Thompson. 
H.   Taylor. 
M.  Taylor. 
-A.  Taylor. 

E.  Travis. 
S.  Taylor. 
J.  Taylor. 

S.  J.  Tattersall. 
J.  F.  Turner. 

F.  A.  Tomlinson. 
F.  Taylor. 
William  Taylor. 
W.  S.  Tvson. 

James  T.  Tunstall. 

W.  B.  Taylor. 

Abraham  Wood. 

W.  G.  Wallia. 

James  Watts,  jun. 

Albert  E.    Wright. 

Rowland  J.   Worthington. 

Walmsley  &  Co. 

Whittlefield  Mill  Co.,  Ltd. 

John  Ward. 

William  H.  Wood. 

Whitehead  &  Leaver,  Ltd. 

James  Walton,  Ltd. 

Robert  Walton. 

H.  Woollin. 

J.  T.  Whipp. 

A.  S.  Wallace. 

Witham  Halstead  &  Co. 

John  S.  Wyatt. 

Joseph  Wild. 

Handel  Whittaker. 

Seth  Wrigley. 

John  Warburton. 

George  Woolley. 

A.  Watson. 

Walker,  Allen  &  Son,  Ltd. 

H.  Watson. 

J.  Wild  &  Son. 

S.  Watson. 

George  F.  War  die, 

Alfred  Watkin. 

T.  B.  Wood  &  Son,  Ltd. 

Henry  E.  Williams. 

John  Wardley. 

Ernest  Ward. 

J.  Wrigley. 

R.  Wood. 



R.  S.  Wild. 

John  Worrall. 

Edgar  G.  Walker. 

H.  Wolfenden. 

Wilson   &   Rawlinshaw. 

H.  Waterhouse. 

G.  Warburton. 

W.  H.  Walsh. 

M.  Wilson. 

J.  E.  Wood. 

T.  Woodward. 

J.  Wainwright. 

E.  Whitehead. 

T.  Walton  4  Son. 

S.   Whittaker. 

W.  Whittaker. 

W.  Walton. 

John  B.  Weston. 

J.  Watson. 

A.  C.  White. 

S.  D.  Willis. 

J.  W.  Wood. 

A.  Whitehead. 

S.  Watson  (J.  S.  Watson  &  Son). 

James   Watts. 

Arnold  Whitworth. 

G.  Arthur  Watson. 

H.  J.  Whitham. 

James  Walmsley. 

George  Yates. 

Ralph  Yates. 

T.  Yarker. 

C.  N.  Yowell. 

A.  Rowell- Young, 

Frank  Yardlev. 





By  C.  W.  MACARA. 

Lancashire  has  given  for  Free  Trade  a  verdict 
and  a  lead  to  the  other  industrial  centres,  in  my 
opinion,  more  emphatic  than  that  proclaimed  in 

In  the  face  of  electioneering  methods  new  in  this 
country,  though  familiar  in  the  United  States, 
whence  they  have  been  copied  by  the  Tariff 
Reformers,  the  Free  Trade  vote  in  Lancashire  is 
more  pronounced  in  1910  than  it  was  four  years 
ago.  This  result  is  impressive.  To,  what  must  it 
be  attributed  ? 

I  believe  it  to  be  due,  firstly  and  mainly,  to  this 
fact,  that  the  cotton  trade  is  the  one  great  staple 
industry  in  England  in  which  employers  and 
operatives  work  together  in  dealing  with  the  great 
problems  affecting  their  mutual  industrial  weal  or 

I  have  myself  led  various  movements  for  the 
advancement  of  cotton  trade  interests.  In  all,  I 
have  had  the  active  co-operation  of  the  leaders  of 
the  operatives. 

1.  Sunday  Times,  London,  Jan.  23rd,   1910. 


One  of  the  most  notable  examples  of  this  co- 
operation between  capital  and  labour  is  the  British 
Cotton  Growing  Association.  Equally  with  the 
employers,  the  operatives  contribute  their  quota  to 
its  funds,  and  they  are  represented  on  the  council 
of  the  Association. 

When  that  is  the  situation  and  the  practice,  is  it 
surprising  that  masters  and  men  should  join  hands 
in  resisting  a  fiscal  policy  which  their  knowledge 
and  experience  tell  them  must  involve  the  absolute 
ruin  of  their  industry  ? 

In  this  matter  Lancashire  has  never  wavered. 
Six  weeks  after  Mr.  Chamberlain  made  his  pro- 
nouncement in  favour  of  Tariff  Reform  in  1903,  a 
conference  representing  the  leaders  of  both  capita! 
and  labour  in  the  cotton  industry  denounced  his 
proposals  in  no  measured  terms.  Again  in  1906 
Lancashire  denounced  these  proposals,  and  she 
denounces  them  to-day  with  undiminished  deter- 
mination. The  arguments  against  Tariff  Reform 
brought  forward  at  the  Conference  in  1903  have 
never  been  refuted. 

Notwithstanding  the  great  development  in  the 
cotton  industry  which  has  been  going  on  throughout 
the  world,  England  has  well  maintained  her  pre- 
ponderating position,  owning  to-day  nearly  one-half 
of  the  world's  cotton  spindles,  and  exporting  about 
three-quarters  of  the  production  of  these  spindles 
and  the  dependent  machinery  to  all  parts  of  the 
globe.  These  exports  represent  a  third  of  our  total 
exports  of  manufactures. 

Much  has  been  heard  of  the  growth  of  the  exports 



from  other  cotton  manufacturing  countries.  It  is 
not  generally  known  that  a  considerable  part  of 
those  exports  are  goods  that  have  been  made  in 
Lancashire  and  exported  from  these  countries  after 
having  undergone  some  further  process. 

Much,  also,  has  been  made  of  our  own  imports  of 
cotton  manufactures.  Again,  it  is  not  generally 
known  that  a  large  proportion  of  these  imports  are 
goods  made  in  Lancashire,  sent  abroad  for  some 
special  process,  such  as  finishing,  dyeing,  etc.,  and 
sent  back  to  England;  in  many  cases  for  re-export. 
Not  only  is  the  prosperity  of  Lancashire  dependent 
upon  this  great  export  trade,  but  its  maintenance 
largely  concerns  our  existence  as  a  commercial 

Thanks  to  our  Free  Trade  policy  the  nations  of 
the  world  give  us  "most  favoured  nation"  treat- 
ment in  admitting  our  goods  to  their  markets.  Then 
we  can  build  and  equip  our  mills,  weaving  sheds, 
and  other  dependent  undertakings,  such  as  calico 
printing,  bleaching,  dyeing,  and  finishing,  at  a 
much  lower  capital  outlay  than  our  competitors  in 
protected  countries. 

The  watchword  of  Lancashire  in  business  is  enter- 
prise. We  do  not  ask  for  monopoly.  As  business 
men  we  realise  that  its  benefits  are  illusory. 

Enterprise  has  given  the  cotton  industry  a  highly 
specialised  and  inter-dependent,  but  at  the  same 
time,  as  I  have  shown,  a  delicate  and  complicated 
organisation.  It  has  made  us  keen  to  adopt  every 
improvement  in  the  making  and  finishing  of  our 
verv  varied  productions.  It  has  made  us  keen  to 



keep  our  management  more  and  more  efficient;  to 
keep  our  machinery  abreast  of  the  times,  and  to  give 
the  best  possible  value.  On  the  wonderful  expan- 
sion which  has  followed  from  this  bold  and 
courageous  policy  we  have  prospered.  Tariff 
Reform  is  an  appeal  to  timidity.  It  does  not  fit 
the  temper  of  Lancashire. 

During  the  last  thirty-five  years  the  world's 
demand  for  cotton  goods  has  trebled.  If,  in  the 
face  of  that  demand,  many  countries  have  entered 
upon  cotton  manufacture  for  themselves,  such  a 
development  was  to  be  expected ;  the  result  has  not 
been  to  cut  off  our  trade,  but  to  encourage  greater 
variety  and  excellence  of  fabrics.  No  manufactur- 
ing industry,  in  proportion  to  the  capital  invested, 
employs  so  much  labour  as  does  the  cotton  industry. 
Much  of  that  labour  is  highly  skilled — the  inherited 
skill  of  generations — and  is  superior  to  that  obtain- 
able  in  any  other  cotton  manufacturing  country. 
Excepting  in  America,  where  the  cost  of  living  is 
excessive,  the  wages  paid  in  the  English  cotton 
industry  are  considerably  in  excess  of  those  paid 
in  any  other  country,  and  the  hours  of  labour  are 

We  are  able  to  compete  successfully  in  all  the 
neutral  markets  of  the  world,  as  well  as  in  the 
markets  of  the  other  twenty-one  countries  which 
have  a  cotton  industry  of  their  own. 

We  are  able  to  do  this  because  of  the  elasticity 
of  our  industry  based  on  the  solid  foundation  of 
free  enterprise. 

The  most  notable  example  of  our  hold  upon  the 


world's  trade  is  found  in  the  case  of  India.  Our 
foreign  competititors  have  the  same  right  of  entry 
into  the  Indian  market  as  we  have,  yet  95  per  cent, 
of  the  cotton  goods  imported  into  India  are  supplied 
by  England. 

All  these  things  the  Lancashire  operative  knows 
as  well  as  his  employer.  Misleading  statistics  have 
little  effect  on  him. 

In  1906  Lancashire's  pronouncement  on  Free 
Trade  exercised  a  tremendous  influence. 

Lancashire's  pronouncement  in  1910  shows  an 
even  greater  determination  to  reject  nostrums  based 
largely  upon  ignorance  of  the  conditions  which  have 
enabled  us  to  build  up  our  gigantic  export  business, 
representing  an  annual  average  of  ^100,000,000  in 
cotton  goods.  To  maintain  that  trade  under  Tariff 
Reform  would  be  impossible. 

Any  doubt  as  to  Lancashire's  determination  to 
uphold  Free  Trade  has  been  repelled  by  the  cotton 
industry  and  Free  Trade  manifestos.  The  first 
was  signed  by  all  the  principal  leaders  of  the 
operatives;  the  second  by  eight  hundred  representa- 
tives of  the  great  cotton  firms,  and  of  the  subsidiary 
and  dependent  industries,  as  well  as  by  the  mercan- 
tile interests.  Those  signatures  were  obtained  on 
the  eve  of  the  poll  in  two  days.  The  amount  of 
capital  represented  in  this  manifesto  is  colossal. 

Unfortunately  the  great  industrial  districts  in 
which  the  wealth  of  the  country  is  created  did  not 
appreciate  the  want  of  knowledge  in  those  districts 
where  so  much  of  that  wealth  is  expended,  still  less 
could  they  have  believed  that  an  important  section 



of  the  Tariff  Reform  press,  by  excluding  from  its 
columns  plain,  businesslike  statements  by  practical 
men,  would  have  kept  its  readers  in  ignorance  of 
the  warnings  against  the  ruin  which  must  befall  the 
nation  as  a  whole  if  Tariff  Reform  were  adopted. 
But  surely  by  such  tactics  that  section  of  the  press 
is  accepting  a  very  grave  responsibility. 

I  have  said  before,  I  repeat  it  now.  A  great 
commercial  nation  must  choose  between  its  own 
market  and  the  markets  of  the  world.  The  United 
States,  so  far  as  manufactures  are  concerned,  have 
chosen  their  own  market.  Hence  their  export  of 
cotton  goods  is  a  trifle.  Our  market  is  the  market 
of  the  world.  The  market  of  the  world  it  must 
continue  to  be.  Our  population  cannot  live  on  any 
other  terms.  In  my  opinion  the  unique  position  we 
now  hold  in  the  world's  markets,  and  consequently 
the  livelihood  of  our  whole  population,  must  be 
seriously  endangered  by  the  adoption  of  a  policy 
which,  however  applicable  to  the  United  States  with 
its  large  areas  of  contiguous  territory,  cannot  be 
applicable  to  the  crowded  and  limited  area  of  the 
United  Kingdom. 

It  is  incredible  that  a  great  commercial  nation 
should  jeopardise  the  industries  by  which  it  lives. 
If  we  enter  on  Protection  and  ruin  our  commerce, 
all  other  problems  will  sink  into  insignificance. 

This  is  the  opinion  Lancashire  has  pronounced. 
It  is  endorsed  by  a  great  majority  of  the  other 
centres  of  industry.  No  Government  dare  disregard 
the  verdict. 



Ever  since  the  war  commenced  I  have  studiously 
avoided  expressing  opinions  on  subjects  of  political 
controversy.  I  have  been,  for  example,  repeatedly 
asked  to  state  my  opinions  regarding  Free  Trade 
and  Tarifl  Reform,  but  I  have  invariably  declined 
My  view  is  that  our  task  is  to  win  the  war,  and  to 
that  end  we  ought  to  sink  all  personal  predilections. 
But  on  the  question  now  before  us  I  cannot  refrain 
from  speaking.  As  a  convinced  Free  Trader  I  have 
never  objected  to  any  impost  considered  necessary 
for  revenue  purposes,  but  it  is  not  fair  that 
Lancashire  should  be  singled  out  for  taxation  to  the 
distinct  advantage  of  another  part  of  the  Empire. 
Let  us  be  just  to  all  parts,  and  not  penalise  one 
to  the  gain  of  another.  It  is  not  right  for  the 
Government  to  give  a  preference  to  the  Indian 
manufacturers.  Let  us  have  fair  competition,  no 
bolstering  up  on  the  one  hand  and  no  penalising  on 
the  other.  If  the  Indian  manufacturer  can  beat  us 
in  the  open  market  let  him  do  so,  but  do  not  help 
him  by  preferential  treatment. 

I  have  already  explained  my  attitude  towards  this 
controvery,  and  I  cannot  add  much  to  what  I  said  in 
the  Manchester  Guardian  on  March  3.  It  will  be 

1.  Vide  Manchester  Guardian,  March  14th,  1917. 


remembered,  possibly,  that  in  1903,  1006,  and  1910  I 
took  a  determined  stand  from  the  point  of  view  of  a 
business  man — as  it  is  well  known  that  1  take  no 
part,  and  never  have  done,  in  party  politics — against 
the  Tariff  "  Reform  "  movement  introduced  by  Mr. 
Joseph  Chamberlain.  I  cannot  tell  you  how  much 
I  regert  that  this  controversy,  or  any  thing  approach- 
ing the  semblance  of  a  controversy,  should  have 
been  raised  at  a  time  when  we  are  passing  through 
the  most  terrible  experience  the  world  has  ever 
known.  1  have  strenuously  advocated  abstention 
from  controversial  matters,  which  bristle  with  diffi- 
culties, until  victory  is  secured,  and  I  am  fully  alive 
to  the  fact  that  new  conditions  will  then  have  to  be 
faced.  That  will  be  work,  however,  for  practical 
men,  not  for  party  politicians.  I  am  one  of  those 
who  hold  that  professional  politicians  have  no  right 
to  introduce  measures  concerning  the  welfare,  and 
indeed  almost  the  existence,  of  the  great  industries 
by  means  of  which  this  country  has  attained  her 
position  of  pre-eminence  throughout  the  world,  and 
I  have  worked  hard  to  federate  the  industries  of  the 
country,  which,  after  all,  are  only  one  complex 
organism,  so  that  what  affects  one  of  the  great 
industries  of  the  country  practically  affects  the 

It  is  painful  for  me  to  see  the  views  that  are 
expressed  by  leading  London  organs  regarding 
matters  with  which  they  cannot  possibly  have  any 
first  hand  knowledge.  It  is  unfortunate  that  these 
journals  are  read  by  so  many  people  who  are  so 
utterly  misinformed  regarding  the  points  at  issue. 



I  would  remind  Mr.  Austen  Chamberlain — I  do  not 
care  for  personalities — that  if  he  will  follow  what  was 
done  in  1903,  1906,  and  1910,  he  might  possibly,  if 
he  is  not  irrevocably  committed,  have  given  some 
consideration  on  Monday  to  the  representations  of 
the  thoroughly  practical  men  upon  whom,  after  all, 
the  welfare  of  this  country  is  dependent.1  It  is 
incredible,  as  I  said  in  the  1910  controversy,  that 
"  a  great  commercial  nation  should  jeopardise  the 
industries  by  which  it  lives.  If  we  enter  on  Protec- 
tion and  ruin  our  commerce,  all  other  problems  will 
sink  into  insignificance." 

1.  A  deputation  consisting  of  Lancashire  members  of 
Parliament  of  all  parties,  Lancashire  Chambers  of  Commerce, 
the  Liverpool  and  Manchester  Cotton  Associations,  the 
organisations  of  both  employers  and  operatives  in  the  Cotton 
industry  and  others,  had  waited  upon  Mr.  Austin  Chamberlain, 
Secretary  of  State  for  India  on  March  12,  1917. 




Sir  Charles  Macara,  addressing  the  students 
and  their  relatives  and  friends,  at  a  centre  for 
training  women  in  market  gardening,  said  that 
increasing  the  food  production  within  the  British 
Isles  was  an  essential  factor  in  securing  victory  in 
this  great  struggle  for  the  detence  ot  liberty  and 
civilisation,  and  no  more  important  work  could 
possibly  be  undertaken  by  any  Government.  He 
was  one  of  those  who  believed  in  efficiency  in  every- 
thing, in  taking  full  advantage  of  scientific  research, 
and  utilising  whatever  was  at  their  disposal;  such 
as,  for  instance,  the  linking  up  of  the  electrical 
power  stations,  and  the  supply  of  electrical  energy 
tor  the  driving  of  agricultural  machinery,  and  pos- 
sibly, also,  for  increasing  the  productivity  of  the 
soil.  Personally,  he  had  always  had  the  utmost 
confidence  in  the  work  of  women,  and  in  serving 
on  a  committee  in  London,  where  evidence  had  to 
be  taken  regarding  various  occupations,  he  was 
most  impressed  by  the  evidence  that  was  given  by 
the  principal  lady  at  the  Board  of  Trade  as  to  the 
manner  in  which  women  had  adapted  themselves  to 
occupations  that  had  in  the  past  been  carried  on  by 
men.  Agriculture  still  remained  our  greatest  in- 
dustry but  hitherto  the  women  of  England  had 
1.  Vid*  The  pr«M,  1917. 



done  less  in  the  cultivation  of  the  soil  than  those  of 
most  of  the  other  countries  of  the  world.  Both 
agriculture  and  horticulture  required  as  much  skill 
as  any  other  industry.  An  elementary  training, 
which,  although  for  a  time  of  emergency  like  the 
present  was  invaluable,  was  not  sufficient  for  perma- 
nent success,  but  must  be  carried  further,  and  what 
was  wanted  was  that  many  centres  for  training 
women  should  be  started  under  the  direction  01 
those  who  were  fully  qualified  to  teach.  Circuin- 
.stances  had  arisen  from  time  to  time  which  had 
compelled  him,  in  the  position  he  had  occupied 
for  so  many  years  in  connection  with  the  staple 
industry  of  Lancashire,  to  study  agricultural 
problems,  as  alter  ail,  everything  was  dependent 
upon  the  tillers  of  the  soil  for  the  two  prime  neces- 
saries of  life — tood  and  clothing.  In  1904  the  staple 
industry  of  Lancashire  was,  as  it  is  to-day,  in  a 
serious  position  as  regarded  shortage  of  the  raw 
material,  which  led  to  the  various  international 
movements  being  started,  all  cotton-using  countries 
being  more  or  less  similarly  affected.  At  that 
time  he  had  to  take  a  lead  in  several  of  these  move- 
ments in  which  agriculture  played  a  prominent  part ; 
they  resulted  in  the  establishment  of  the  British 
Cotton  Growing  Association,  the  International 
Federation  of  Master  Cotton  Spinners'  and  Manu- 
facturers' Associations,  with  headquarters  in  Man- 
chester, and  the  International  Institute  of  Agricul- 
ture, with  headquarters  in  Rome.  In  connection 
with  these  world-wide  movements,  a  Private  Cotton 
Investigation  Commission  visited  the  United  States 
in  1906.  followed  by  an  international  delegation  the 



next  year,  and  a  few  years  later  a  similar  delegation 
visited  Egypt.  A  great  deal  of  information  regard- 
ing agriculture  was  thus  acquired.  He  went  to 
America  in  1907  expecting  to  find  up-to-date 
methods  in  agriculture.  In  this,  however,  he  was 
disappointed.  Although  as  a  result  of  the  visits  of 
the  Private  Cotton  Investigation  Commission  many 
reforms  had  been  promptly  started.  A  characteris- 
tic trait  of  the  American  people,  however,  was 
shown  bv  the  promptitude  with  which  they  acted 
when  their  deficiencies  were  brought  home  to  them, 
nnd  Government  experimental  farms  were  quickly 
instituted,  and  bv  this  means  great  reforms  brought 
about.  In  Egvpt,  on  the  other  hand,  he  was  equally 
surprised  in  iqi2  to  find  the  most  up-to-date 
methods  in  operation.  What  was  done  in  America 
was  what  was  so  urgently  needed  in  the  British 
Tsles.  and  as  he  had  alreadv  said,  there  ought  to  be 
a  "Teat  extension  of  centres  for  training1  women 
under  efficient  teachers.  He  felt  sure  there  must 
be  anv  number  of  voungf  women  of  ^ood  social 
status  who,  after  receiving  thorough  training  mieht 
qualify  as  teachers  in  that  work.  By  so  doing  thev 
would  render  invaluable  service  to  their  countrv. 
not  onlv  in  this  unprecedented  crisis,  but  in  the  un- 
known future.  He  was  glad  to  sav  that  the  students 
who  hnd  gone  from  that  centre  had  all  acquitted 
themselves  well,  and  he  hoped  the  disposition  on 
the  part  of  those  who  employed  students  from  these 
centres  would  be  to  thoroughly  appreciate  their 
patriotism,  and  to  reward  them  adequatelv  for  the 
valuable  services  they  were  rendering  to  the  nation 
in  the  present  grave  crisis. 



1.  At  Manchester  great  Trafalgar  Day  Demonstration,  1916. 



"  I  am  a  landsman,  but  I  have  been  associated 
for  many  years  with  sailors,  and  the  more  I  see  of 
them  the  more  I  like  them.  It  is  a  matter  of  deep 
regret  that  Lady  Beatty,  whose  husband's  magnifi- 
cent services  to  the  country  in  this  the  greatest  of 
all  wars  have  evoked  universal  admiration,  is  unable 
through  indisposition  to  be  present  to-day.  But  I 
feel  highly  honoured  in  being  associated  with  so 
distinguished  a  representative  of  the  Navy  as 
Admiral  of  the  Fleet,  Sir  Hedworth  Meux,  whose 
eminent  services  in  connection  with  the  Navy  are 
well  known ;  perhaps  the  most  notable  being  when, 
as  Captain  the  Hon.  Hedworth  Lambton,  he  com- 
manded the  Naval  Brigade  at  Ladysmith,  giving 
a  splendid  demonstration  of  what  can  be  accom- 
plished by  co-operation  between  the  Navy  and  the 
Army,  and  one  that  I  think  will  go  down  to 
posterity.  It  is  fitting  that  so  distinguished  a 
personage  should  come  to  this  great  centre  of 
industry  on  Trafalgar  Day  to  advocate  the  claims 
of  the  British  and  Foreign  Sailors'  Society,  which 
has  done  such  splendid  work  for  so  many  years. 
In  looking  back  upon  a  somewhat  strenuous  career, 
nothing  gives  me  greater  satisfaction  than  the  work 
I  have  been  able  to  do  in  promoting  the  welfare  of 
the  seafaring-  class.  This  work  has  always  had  a 
great  attraction  for  me.  My  first  public  work  in 
connection  with  the  sea  was  taking  part  in  the 



raising  of  a  fund  to  provide  for  the  widows  and 
other  dependants  of  twenty-seven  lifeboatmen  who 
lost  their  lives  in  December,  1886,  in  a  gallant 
attempt  to  rescue  the  crew  of  the  German  barque 
'  Mexico,'  wrecked  on  the  treacherous  Horse  Bank 
in  the  estuary  of  the  Ribble,  who  were  ultimately 
rescued  by  the  Lytham  lifeboat.  Some  years  later, 
in  1891,  when  the  funds  of  the  Royal  National 
Lifeboat  Institution  had  sunk  to  a  somewhat  low  ebb 
in  proportion  to  the  work  carried  on  by  this  great 
voluntary  life-saving  service,  it  was  Manchester  and 
Salford  l  that  came  to  the  rescue  and  led  the  way  in 
a  popular  movement  which  was  taken  up  throughout 
the  United  Kingdom,  and  which  supplied  the 
additional  funds  necessary  to  carry  on  the  work 
efficiently.  It  was  in  prosecuting  this  work  that  I 
shall  always  remember  with  gratitude  the  assistance 
that  was  rendered  by  the  representatives  of  this 
Society  who  had  served  in  the  Navy,  and  who 
organised  a  display  of  the  Rocket  Brigade  which 
added  materially  to  the  impression  made  at  the  first 
Lifeboat  Saturday  Demonstration  in  Manchester, 
October,  1891.  Since  that  time  I  have  taken  a  deep 
interest  in  the  work  of  the  Society,  whose  claims 
have  been  advocated  to-day,  and  have  taken  part 
in  various  events  in  connection  with  it,  notably  the 
opening  of  the  Fielden  Sailors'  Rest  at  Fleetwood, 
which  was  presented  to  the  British  and  Foreign 
Sailors'  Society  by  Mrs.  Samuel  Fielden,  of 
Todmorden,  and  which  has  done  much  good  work 
since  it  was  opened,  among  the  sailors  and  fishermen 

1.  Vide  The  Book  of  the  Lifeboat,  1894,  Report  of  Committee 
on  the  Royal  Naval  Lifeboat  Inquiry,  Evidence,  Appendix  and 
Index,  1897,  Cd.  4394 ;  and  the  History  of  The  Lifeboat  Saturday 
Fund,  1898  (published  by  private  subscription,  and  containing 
documents  omitted  from  the  Parliamentary  Blue  Book). 



residing  there  or  who  visit  the  port.  The  good 
example  shown  by  this  lady  might  well  be  followed 
by  others  in  establishing  similar  Homes  in  various 
places  on  the  coast  wherever  they  are  needed.  In 
this  connection  I  would  like  to  say  that  it  is  the 
lifeboatmen  and  deep  sea  fishermen  who  largely 
carry  on  the  heroic  and  dangerous  work  of  mine 
sweeping,  in  which  service  many  fishermen  have 
lost  their  lives.  I  also  had  the  pleasure  of  taking 
part  at  the  banquet  given  at  the  Fishmongers'  Hall, 
in  London,  on  the  hundredth  anniversary  of 
Trafalgar,  and  was  deputed  as  a  Vice-President  of 
the  British  and  Foreign  Sailors'  Society  to  present 
a  bust  of  Nelson  to  the  London  Stock  Exchange 
the  following  day.  On  that  occasion  I  had  the 
privilege  of  meeting  many  distinguished  sailors  and 
soldiers.  The  more  that  one  knows  of  the  work  of 
sailors,  the  more  one  feels  how  deeply  we  are 
indebted  to  them,  and  how  eager  we  should  be  to  do 
whatever  we  can  to  minister  to  their  welfare.  In 
this  great  centre  of  population — 9,000,000  within  a 
radius  of  forty  miles — we  depend  absolutely  on  our 
sailors.  Not  one  pound  of  raw  cotton  do  we  grow, 
all  has  to  be  imported,  and  our  great  cotton  industry 
is  dependent  for  three-quarters  of  its  employment 
upon  export  trade.  Through  the  enterprise  and 
energy  of  the  promoters  of  the  Manchester  Ship 
Canal,  the  port  of  Manchester  has  now,  in  the  value 
of  its  exports  and  imports,  attained  the  position  of 
fourth  port  in  the  United  Kingdom.  Concurrently 
with  this,  the  tonnag-e  of  Liverpool  has  largelv 
increased.  In  my  experience  in  advocating  the 
claims  of  philanthropic  institutions,  I  have  always 
found  that  with  a  good  cause,  forcibly  put  before 
the  British  public,  provided  that  the  proper  organi- 
sation is  also  available  for  securing  the  contributions 
of  all  classes  of  the  rommunitv  according  to  their 



means,  and  that  it  is  one  of  centralisation  and 
decentralisation,  and  both  national  and  local  in  its 
working,  success  is  practically  assured,  and  I  have 
every  confidence  that  the  appeal  which  has  been 
made  on  behalf  of  the  British  and  Foreign  Sailors' 
Society  will  meet  with  a  hearty  response." 


By  Sir  CHARLES  W.  MACARA,  Bart. 

Speaking  at  Preston  on  Easter  Sunday  afternoon, 
1917,  Sir  Charles  W.  Macara  said  : — 

"  In  the  stirring  events  that  are  taking  place,  and 
the  fact  that  the  English-speaking  nations  are  now 
united,  I  think  we  have  every  reason  to  feel 
optimistic  as  to  the  ultimate  victory  of  the  forces 
fighting  for  liberty  and  civilisation. 

It  has  been  my  privilege  to  meet  many  distin- 
guished personages  throughout  the  world,  and 
among  these  no  one  impressed  me  more  than  Lord 
Kitchener.  He  was  not  only  a  great  soldier  but  a 
splendid  business  man,  as  well  as  a  man  imbued 
with  an  intense  desire  to  promote  the  welfare  of 
humanity  and  alleviate  the  lot  of  the  oppressed.  I 
well  remember  asking  his  approval  regarding  an 
international  delegation  going  to  Egypt  in  connec- 
tion with  Lancashire's  staple  industry ;  his  reply 
was  :  '  I  welcome  such  a  delegation.  I  am  in  Egypt 
to  do  my  best  for  the  welfare  of  the  Egyptians,  and 
I  wish  the  world  to  benefit  bv  whatever  I  may 
succeed  in  accomplishing.'  When  he  received  me 
at  the  Residency  in  Cairo,  in  expressing  his  satisfac- 
tion that  the  delegation  had  come  to  Egypt,  he 

1.  Vide  The  Lancashire  Daily  Post,  April  9th,  1917. 



solicited  my  help  in  assisting  him  to  raise  the 
position  of  the  Egyptian  peasantry,  whose  lot  he 
considered  exceptionally  hard.  I  have  met  great 
soldiers  whose  business  qualities  will  compare 
favourably  with  those  of  men  holding  high  positions 
in  commerce  and  industry,  and  it  is  equally  note- 
worthy that  men  engaged  in  corrimerce  and  industry 
have  been  transformed  into  magnificent  soldiers. 
The  name  of  Lord  Kitchener  will  go  down  to  posterity 
as  the  greatest  military  organiser  the  world  has  ever 
seen.  I  have  no  hesitation  in  saying  that  the 
heroism  and  self-sacrifice  of  the  fighting  forces  of 
the  Empire  and  of  our  Allies  have  never  been 
excelled.  In  this  connection  I  cannot  but  allude  to 
the  splendid  manner  in  which  the  women  of  the 
country  have  voluntarily  come  forwrard  and  taken 
up  work  in  all  directions.  Had  they  only  been 
organised  as  they  might  have  been,  the  great  strain 
caused  by  the  withdrawal  of  such  large  numbers  of 
the  manhood  of  the  nation  would  have  been  much 
less  severely  felt." 



Adamson,  Daniel,  135 
Agriculture,  International  Institute, 
149,  206,  211,  224 

needs  of,  321 

Aircraft  cloth,  supply  of,   171 
Alexandria,     International     Delega- 
tion at,  222 

Amalgamated    Association    of    Card 
and  Blowing  Boom  Operatives,  83 

Association  of  Operative  Cotton 

Spinners,  79,  81 

Weavers'  Association,  84 

America,   advice  to,   on  the   use   of 

existing  institutions  in  war  work, 

cotton  crop,  201 

cotton  industry,  147 

International  Delegation  to,  209 

American  cotton  bale,  147 
Ancoats,  characteristics  of,  61 

strike,  67 

Anti-Corn  Law  League,  133 
Arbitration,  105 

Ashton,  Thomas,  161 
Ascroft,  Robert,  M.P.,  93,  95 
Askwith,  Sir  George,  100,  119 
Asquith,  H.  H.,  Prime  Minister,  116, 

262,  272 

Atlanta,  Convention  at,  209 
Australia,  Strikes  in,  264 
Bannerman,  Alexander,  44 

Andrew,   44 

Bannerman,  David,   comes  to   Man- 
chester, 43,  44 

-  death  of,  46 

borough    reeve    of    Man- 
chester, 46 

Henry,    founder    of    the    firm, 


-  death  of,  46 

Henry,  of  Hunton,  44 

buys   the    Hunton   estate, 


High  Sheriff  of  Kent,  47 

James  Alexander,  46 
Janet,  47 

John,  44 

buys  Wyastone  Leys,  47 

House  of,  37 

both  producer  and  distri- 

butor of  cotton  goods,  69 

Barnes,  George  N.,  M.P.,  116,  162 

Behrens,  Sir  Charles,  115  262 

Beith,  John  Alexander,  33 

Blackpool,  21 

operatives  on  holiday  at,  56 

Blowing  and  carding,  78 

Board  of  Trade,  statement  on  Indus- 
trial Council,  267 

Bright,  John,  67,  133 

British  and  Foreign  Sailors'  Society, 

Cotton  Growing  Association,  233 

Brooklands  Agreement,  history  of 
the,  93,  255 



Brunswick  Mill,  strike  at,  67  et  seq.      Cowpar,  Charlotte  Grace,  mother  of 

Bryce,  Lord,  letter  of,  221 
Bythell,  John  Kenworthy,  33,  139 
Campbell,  Sir  James,  47 
Campbell-Bannerman,  Sir  Henry,  47, 

Capital      and      labour  :      Industrial 

Council,  253 

and  labour  :  means  for  promot- 
ing industrial  peace,   276 

and   labour   under   war   condi- 
tions, 276 

Chalmers,  Thomas,  6 
Chamberlain,  Austin,  M.P.,  320 
Clynes,  J.    R.,    M.P.,    questions    in 

Parliament,  274 

Cobden,  Richard,  24n,  132,  133 
Cotton  as  contraband,  163 

creation   of   a  reserve  of,  166, 


corner,  143 

crops,  199 

duties,  Indian,  318 

Employers'   Parliamentary   As- 
sociation,  156-159 

industry,  growth,  289 

industry,       organisation       and 

federation,  204 

industry,  survey  of  its  history, 


plant,  description  of,  194 

seed,  products  of,  197 

trade  disputes,  278 

trade  an  exotic,  125 

trade,  method  for  ascertaining 

normal  return  on  capital,  105 

trade  of  Lancashire,  50n 

world's  supply,  203 

Charles  W.*Macara,  8 
Cox  Brothers  of  Dundee,  33 
Crewe,  Marquess  of,  deputation  to, 


Crooks,  Will,  M.P.,  263 
Disraeli,  Benjamin,   on   Manchester, 


Disruption  of  1843,  2,  13 
Dukinfield,  characteristics  of,  63 
East  India  Company,  9 
Education,  fears  concerning,  74 
Egypt,  cotton  crop,  200 

development  of  the  Sudan,  233 

reception  of  delegates  by  Lord 

Kitchener,  239 

visit    of    International    Cotton 

Delegation,  222 
Factory  Acts,  66 
Federation  of  Master  Cotton 

Spinners'   Associations,   209 
Fielden,  Mrs.  Samuel,  325 
Free  Church  of  Scotland,  6,  13 
Free  Trade  Hall,  30 
- — —  Trade,  Lancashire's  verdict,  312 

Trade    Union,     letter    to    the 

President  of  the,  289 

Galloway,  Admiral,  9 

Major-Gen.  Sir  Archibald,  8-9 

German  merchants  in  Manchester,  51 
Grey,    Sir    Edward,    on    the    cotton 

industry,  208,  225 
Grosvenor       Square       Presbyterian 

Church  and   its  debating  society, 

Haworth,     Arthur     A.,     speech     in 

defence  of   C.    W.   Macara,  295 
John,  158n 



Hindu  civilisation,  193 

Hours  of  labour,  reduction  in   1904 

owing  to  shortage  of  cotton,  216 
Howe,  George,  dismissed  from  Fern 

Mill,  99-100 
Hunton  Court,  46-47 
India,  cotton  crop,  147,  202 

cultivation   of    cotton,    deputa- 
tion to  Lord  Crewe,  249 

Sir  A.   Galloway's  services   in, 


Indian  cotton  duties,  318 

-  Famine  Funds,  171,  186 
Industrial  Council,  281 

projected,  110 

-  established,   118 

article  in  "  Financial  Review  of 

Reviews,"  253 

Industrial  unrest,  108 

inquiry      by      the      Industrial 

Council,  272 

Influences,  1 

International  Congress,  Paris,   1908, 
address  to  C.  W.   Macara,  245 
—  Convention  of  Cotton  Growers, 
Spinners,  etc.,  209 

Cotton  Conferences,  145  et  seq. 

Cotton    Federation,   209 

its  prestige,  151 

deputation  to  the  Marquess  of 

Crewe,  249 

delegation  to  America,  209 

Federation  of  Textile  Workers, 


industry   and   commerce,  223 
Institute   of    Agriculture,    149, 

206,  211,  224 
Internationalism,   125 

Kitchener,  Lord,  229,  236 

reception  of  delegates  at  Cairo, 


tribute  to,   327 

Lancashire,  C.  W.  Macara's  influence 

on,  3,  133 

operatives,  55 

Private    Cotton    Investigation 

Commission,  213 

Lancashire's  verdict  on  Free  Trade, 


Law,  A.  Bonar,  M.P.,  273,  274 
Lifeboat   rescues   and   disasters,  180 

et  seq. 

-  Saturday,  184,  325 
Liverpool  Cotton  Market,  138-140 
London,  journey  to,  in  the  sixties,  21 
Long,     Walter,      M.P.,      and     the 

National  Registration  Act,  169 
Lowe,    Robert,    26n 
Lubin,  David,  149,  150,  206,  211 
Macara,    Charles    Wright,    born    at 

Strathmiglo,     son     of     Rev.     W. 

Macara,    3 

opening  into  life,  14 

schools,   15-16 

arrival  in  Manchester,  19,  30 

enters  service  of  Cox  Brothers, 


marriage,  37 

joins  Bannerman's,  47 

—  first  conflict  with  the  operatives, 

— —  formation  of  Federation  of 
Master  Cotton  Spinners'  Associa- 
tions, 85 

strike  of  1892-3,  85 

Brooklands   Agreement,    95 



Macara,  Charles  W.,  as  chairman  of 
conferences  of  employers  and 
employed,  102 

on    interdependence    of    indus- 
tries, 109 

plan  of  an  industrial  council,  110 

article    in    "  Financial    Review 

of  Reviews,"  117,  253 

his  historic  place  in  Lancashire, 


on  transport  duties,  141 

promoter  of  international  cotton 

conferences,    146 

organises     visit    of     a     cotton 

commission     and     delegation     to 
America,  148 

joint   organiser    of    the    Inter- 
national  Institute  of  Agriculture, 

his  organising  activity,  155-6 

presides  at  Conference  of  1903, 



—  retires     from     presidency 
Employers'  Association,  159 

—  created  a  baronet,  159 

—  other  honours,  159-160 

—  address,    etc.,    from    operative 
spinners,  160 

—  economist,  suggestions  after  the 
outbreak  of  war,  161 

—  cotton    as    contraband,    cotton 
reserve,  National  Register,  163-169 

—  on  the  adaptation   of   existing 
organisations  to  war  purposes,  173 

—  residence  at  St.   Annes-on-the- 
Sea,  179 

—  lifeboat  disasters,  180 

Macara,  Charles  W.,  Lifeboat  Satur 
day  originated,  184 

his  children,  187 

Survey  of  the  cotton  industry, 


speech  at  Atlanta,  209 

correspondence  with   President 

Roosevelt,  218 

address  at  Alexandria,   222 

on    the    development    of     the 

Sudan  233 

at  reception  by  Lord  Kitchener, 


address    presented    to    him    at 

the    Fifth    International    Confer- 
ence, 245 

deputation  to  the  Marquess  of 

Crewe,  247 

paper  on  the  Industrial  Coun- 
cil, 253 

paper  on  Capital  and  Labour, 


letter  to  the   President  of  the 

Free  Trade  Union,   289 

defence     of,     by     Arthur     A. 

Haworth,   295 

position    in    the    cotton  trade, 


manifesto         against         Tariff 

Reform,  299 

Lancashire's    verdict    on    B'ree 

Trade,  312 

on  Indian  cotton  duties,  318 

— —  on    the    needs    of   agriculture  : 

women  on  the  land,  321 

speech  on  Trafalgar  Day,  1916, 




Macara,  Lady,  37,  38,  182,  184,  186 

Rev.  William,  career  of,  5-16 

marriage,  8 

-  Mrs.  William,  8-9 

-  William  C.,  187 
Macara  clan,  3 

Macdonald,  Ramsay,  M.P.,  question 

in   Parliament,   274 
Manchester  Chamber  of  Commerce, 

—  firms  and  their  names,  38-39 

goods,   destination   of,    126 

-  School,   132 

-  Ship  Canal,  135,  138 

Victorian,  19 

Mason,   Hugh,   67 

Masters  and  men,  73 

Mawdesley,  James,  60n,   70,   76,   82, 

88,  90,  95,  162 
Mellor,  "  Tommy,"  67 
Meux,  Admiral  Sir  Hedworth,  324 
Minders,  79 

Morley,  Arnold,  letter  to,  289 
Mullin,   William,    11  In 
Munro,  Dr.,  34 
Muthu,  Dr.  C.,  192 
National  Koalth  Insurance  Act,  158 
National   Register,    scheme   adopted 

by  Government,  168-170 
Northern    Counties    Textile    Trades 

Federation,  84 
Oldham  Association,  83 
Operative  spinners,  address  to  C.  W. 

Macara,    160 
Operatives,   55 
Parlane,  Mrs.,  31 
Perthshire,  home  of  the  Bannermans, 


Piecers,   79 

Protection,  what  the  leaders  of  the 

operatives  think,  298 
Ramsay,  Sir  William,  165 
Rest  in  change  of  work,  179 
Reyner,  Arthur,  88,  89 
Ring-spinners,  78 
Rochdale,  Mayor  of,  76 
Roosevelt,  Theodore,  correspondence 

with,  218 
Round   table   conferences,   value  of, 

Royal  National  Lifeboat  Institution, 

Sailors,    our :    speech   on    Trafalgar 

Day,  324 

St.    Annes-on-the-Sea,   179 
Scotsmen,  migration  into  England,  14 
Smethurst,  Samuel,  90 
Smith,  Hoke,  Governor  of  Georgia, 


Stalybridge,   64 
Strathmiglo,  3,  7-8,  10-11 
Strike  in  1884,  68 

of  1892-3,  85  et  seq.,  93 

Sudan,  development  of  the  233 
Sully — cotton  speculator,  144 
Tariff  Reform,   157,   291 

manifesto  against,   299 

Tattersall,  John  Brown,  90 
Thomson,  John,   President  of  Man- 
chester Chamber  of  Commerce,  141 

Toulmin,   Sir  George,  M.P.,   272 

Trade  Unions,  75 

Trade  unionism  in  the  cotton  trade, 

78  et  seq. 

Trafalgar  Day,  1916,  324 
Transport  duties,   140 



United    Textile    Factory    Workers' 

Association,   80n,    84n,   157 
Victorian  Manchester,  19 
War,  effect  upon  industry,  276 
European,       suggestions       and 

services    of    Charles    W.    Macara, 

160  et  seq. 

-  terrible  effects,  231 
Weavers,  handloom,  at  Strathmiglo, 


West  Indies,  cotton  crop,  199 

Whitney,  Eli,  201 

Whit-week  in  Lancashire,  58-59 

Wingate,  Sir  Keginald,  237 

Women  on  the  land,   321 

Wyastone  Leys,  47 

Young,  James,  47 

Marion,  38 

William,  46 


A    001  456  646